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Copyright, 1915 
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The present volume in the Columbia University Oriental 
Series is a companion to the volumes previously printed dealing 
with two other of the principal cities of the eastern Mediterranean 
littoral. Tyre has had a long and eventful history; but to write 
that history is not always an easy task. The data have to be 
gathered fropa the most varied sources and a diligence exhibited 
which is not always apparent in the results achieved. Since the 
small study of J. Krall, Tyrus und Sidon (Vien, 1888), the present 
is the first attempt made to write the history of the place. Dr. 
Wallace B. Fleming has acquitted himself well of the task he 
assigned to himself, and has summed up carefully and with as 
much completeness as is possible the various phases through 
which the life of the city has passed. 

Richard Gottheil. 

March 1, 1915. 




Teacher and Friend 
in recognition 


The Wise and Patient Help 
To Which It Owes Much 

This Volume 
Is Gratefully Dedicated 


The Phoenicians wrote the record of their civiHzation in 
achievements, not in books. This great people contributed 
almost nothing to the literature of the world, though they 
made possible all the literature of the western and near eastern 
nations. "The Phoenicians were masons, carpenters, ship- 
builders, weavers, dyers, glass-blowers, workers in metal, mer- 
chants, navigators, discoverers: if they were not actually the 
first to invent the alphabet,^ at least they so improved the art 
of writing that their system has been adopted and has been used 
by almost the whole civilized world. They surpassed all other 
peoples of antiquity in enterprise, perseverance and industry. 
They succeeded in showing that as much glory might be won 
and as enduring a power might be built up by arts and industries 
as by arms."^ 

Of the Phoenician cities, Tyre was the most important; it was 
so important that the Greeks gave its name to the whole region, 
calling it ^vpCa, from IIU Tsur, Tyre, and the Greek name is 
perpetuated to this day in our word Syria? 

It is remarkable that the Tyrians should have occupied so 
high a place in human history for twenty-five hundred years 
and yet have left the world no body of literature and no written 

1 Herodotus (V, 58) says that the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus 
(DTp) of Tyre introduced in Greece many arts, among them alphabetical 
writing, and that the letters of the alphabet are justly called Phoenician. 
While it is generally admitted that the Phoenicians introduced letters, modern 
authorities seek to trace the elements and suggestions of their alphabet to 
earlier sources. For a full discussion of the subject see Pliny, Natural History, 
VII, 57; Rawlinson, Herodotus, Vol. II, p. 313; Kxall, Studien zur Geschichte 
des Alten Agypten, III, Tyrus und Sidon (Vien, 1888), pp. 15-21, 66. 

2 Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, p. 39. 

' Herodotus (VII, 63) speaks of Syria as an abbreviation of Assyria, but 
in this he is misled by the similarity of the words. Vid. Rawlinson, Phoen., 
p. 40; LeStrange, Palestine under Moslems, p. 14. 


records of their own achievements and life.^ In constructing the 
history of the city of Tyre, materials must be gathered from 
widely separated sources, and the story pieced out from the 
references in the writings of the various peoples with whom they 
came in contact. The task is the more difficult because of the 
fact that these peoples were frequently unfriendly. 

Allusions to Tyre are to be found in the writings of the Egyp- 
tians, the Assyrians, the Babylonians, the Persians, the Hebrews, 
the Greeks, and the Romans of the ancient times, and in a few 
meager fragments of their own writing. In the medieval period 
to the close of the Crusades, the sources of information are the 
Latin, the Greek, the Arabic, the French and the Hebrew. The 
Crusaders left their principal records in Latin and French. 
From the close of the Crusades there is scarcely any story to 
tell, for Tyre lay in utter ruins. For this period we have the 
notes of pilgrims and travelers. The present petty town of 
Sur has arisen since the Mutowalis occupied the district in 
1766 A.D. Its humble story presents little difficulty, but it is 
connected with the Tyre of history in location and name only. 

On the pages which follow will be found references to the 
works of many historians who have written of the Phoenicians, 
and particularly of the Tyrians; a few authors, however, require 
special mention. Among those who have done most work in 
this field should be mentioned first of all F. C. Movers, whose 
work, "Die Phonizier" (1842-1856) is an exhaustive review of 
all historical sources then available. John Kenrick published 
in 1855 his "History of Phoenicia," less voluminous than that 
of Movers, but making available for English readers all of the 
most important facts of Phoenician history then known. Ernst 
Renan's "Mission de Phenicie" (1864) was of great value for 
its information as to topography and art. George Rawlinson's 
"Phoenicia," published in London in 1889, was a rewriting of 
the history of Phoenicia in the light of archeological discoveries 
to that date. In the same year, in Berlin, Richard Pietschmann 

1 Renan, Mission de Ph6nicie (IV, 1), says: " Je ne pense pas qu'aucune 
grande ville ay ant jou^ pendant des siScles un role de premier ordre ait laiss6 
mcins de traces que Tyr." 


published his "Geschichte der Phonizier," rendering a like 
service for the German readers. 

The most important publications concerning Tyre that have 
appeared are E. W. Hengstenberg's De Rebus Tyriorum (Berlin, 
1832), J. Krall's Tyrus und Sidon (Vien, 1888), F. Jeremias's 
Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nebukadnezars (Leipzig, 1891), — all of which 
treat of the early period of the city's history, — and L. Lucas's 
Geschichte der Stadt Tyrus zur Zeit der Kreuzziige (Marburg, 

Recent discoveries have made necessary the rewriting of whole 
chapters of Phoenician history. Important researches have 
been carried on in Phoenicia. The Tel-el-Amarna letters have 
brought back to the world the lost record of an entire period of 
early Phoenician life, while recent excavations in Crete have 
resulted in the rediscovery of the old Minoan kingdom which 
now rises to dispute with Phoenicia the ancient sovereignty of 
the seas. 

The history of Phoenicia is the history of her several inde- 
pendent city-states. The Phoenicians did not seek political but 
commercial power. They cared little for strong political unity. 
Then, their land was unfavorable to such unity. It was about 
two hundred miles long and from two to fifteen miles wide. 
Headlands projecting to the sea cut this coastland into a number 
of small plains that had their names from their chief cities, as 
the Plain of Tyre, the Plain of Sidon, the Plain of Acco, etc. 
Thus the topography of the land was unfavorable to a strongly 
centralized government. There was no recognized central 
capital. The history of Tyre is the history of the chief of the 
Phoenician city-states. 

I am conscious of a certain unevenness in the work. Parts 
of it are broadly disposed, while others are meager in detail, 
and even bald in statement. The major cause for this is the 
curious abundance of materials in the sources for some periods, 
and their paucity in others. To future workers, to whom larger 
materials may come, must be left the pleasant task of filling out 
the story. 


I have not cumbered the pages with citations of secondary 
sources. These are mentioned only when I have felt it necessary 
to locate a quotation or to acknowledge an indebtedness. The 
notes are intended mainly to refer to the original sources, and 
represent not secondary, but first hand use of them all. 

Chapter I 


Tyre to the Age of Hiram 1-15 

Chapter II 
Tyre in the Age of Hiram 16-23 

Chapter III 

From the Age of Hiram to the Encroachment of 
Assyria 24-26 

Chapter IV 
Tyre's Resistance to Assyrian Encroachment 27-41 

Chapter V 
Tyre's Resistance to Babylon 42-47 

Chapter VI 
Tyre under the Persians 48-53 

Chapter VII 
Tyre under the Greeks 54-64 

Chapter VIII 
Tyre under the Seleucidae 65-69 

Chapter IX 
Tyre under the Romans and Moslems 70-85 


The Period of the Crusades 86-122 



Chaptee XI 
From the Crusades to the Present Day 123-132 

Chapter XII 
Colonies, Commerce and Industries 133-145 

Chapter XIII 
ReHgion of the Tyrians 146-154 

Chapter XIV 

Coins of Tyre 155-161 

Index 162-165 




The Origin of the Phoenicians 

The account of the origin of the Phoenician nation given by 
Sanchoniathon^ impUes that the people were autochthonous. 
The genealogical table of Genesis X, in which tribes are personi- 
fied and an effort is made to trace their relation, makes Canaan 
son of Ham and Sidon son of Canaan, and the statement of the 
borders of Canaan shows that the author considered the Phoeni- 
cians native to Syria. But Sanchoniathon's account is purely 
mythical, and so is without weight, and the suggestion of Genesis 
X that the Canaanites were Hamitic cannot be maintained. 
It is clear from the language of the Phoenicians that they were 
Semites, and were related to the Assyrians, the Babylonians, 
the Arabs, and especially to the Hebrews.^ It is true that the 
Phoenician language is not identical with the Hebrew; it has 
its own characteristics. "The definite article, so common in 
Hebrew, is rare in Phoenician. The quiescent letters, which so 
frequently accompany long vowels in Hebrew, are usually 
omitted in Phoenician. Feminine nouns do not have the * H ' 
termination."^ There are other differences between the two 
languages, and yet "the words most commonly in use, the 
particles, the pronouns, the forms of the verb, the principal 
inflections in Phoenician are identical, or nearly identical, with 
the pure Hebrew."^ 

1 Vid. p. 7 below. 

2 Vid. Noldeke, Die Semitischen Sprachen (Leipzig, 1899), p. 8. 

' Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 24. Vid. Noldeke, Semitischen Sprachen, pp. 

* Renan, Histoire des Langues S^mitiques, pp. 189, 190. Noldeke (Semit- 
ischen Sprachen, p. 19) says, "Hebraisch und Phonicisch sind bloss Dialekte 
2 1 


Whence then came the Phoenicians? Herodotus says: "These 
Phoenicians, as they themselves say, anciently dwelt upon the 
Erythrian sea; and having crossed over thence, they inhabited 
the sea-coast of Syria. "^ This tradition was held by the Persians. 
"The learned among the Persians allege that the Phoenicians 
. . . coming from the sea called Erythria to this sea (Mediter- 
ranean) and having settled in the country which they now 
occupy, immediately undertook distant voyages; and carrying 
cargoes both of Egyptian and Assyrian goods, visited among 
other places, Argos,"^ Pliny is in agreement with this,^ and 
Justin gives a similar account in these words: "The Tyrian 
nation was founded by the Phoenicians, who, being disturbed 
by an earthquake, and leaving their native land, settled first of 
all on the Assyrian Lake and subsequently on the shore near the 
sea, founding there a city which they call Sidon from the abun- 
dance of fish; for the Phoenicians call a fish ' Sidon.' "^ If the 
Phoenicians had been autochthonous their marine activities 
might be accounted for by their location, their narrow strip of 
fertile coastland affording but meager opportunities apart from 
the sea, and their mountains affording the wood for shipbuilding. 
But since it is clear that they came by migration, their choice of 
settlement becomes inexplicable except on the supposition that 
they were a sea-loving people, a people schooled in nautical 
commerce, as the classical historians represented them.^ Renan's 
conclusion is as follows: "The greater number of modern critics 
admit it as demonstrated, that the primitive abode of the 
Phoenicians must be placed on the lower Euphrates, in the 
center of the great commercial and maritime establishments of 

einer Sprache." Vid. also C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der Vergleichenden 
Grammatik der Semitischen Sprachen (Berlin, 1907), Vol. I, pp. 11-13; and 
P. Schroder, Die Phonizische Sprache (Halle, 1869), pp. 9, 10, 15-21, 29, 117, 
et al. 

1 Herodotus, VII, 89. 

2 Ibid., I, 1. 

» Plmy, Nat. Hist., IV, 21. 

* Justin, Historia, XVIII, 3, 2. What body of water Justin means by the 
"Assyrian Lake" is uncertain. On the meaning of the word Sidon see 
Eiselen, Sidon, pp. 10-15. 

* Vid. page 133 ff, below. 


the Persian Gulf."^ The occasion of the migration is wholly 
unknown. Justin's statement that it was the result of an earth- 
quake^ is extremely improbable. The movement was doubtless 
akin to other westward movements of Semitic peoples from 
Mesopotamia and the shores of the Persian Gulf, but its im- 
mediate cause was probably the commercial opportunities of the 
Mediterranean. The date of their migration to the shores of 
the Mediterranean must, for the present at least, be placed 
about 28(30 B.C., on the testimony of the priests of Melkart 
recorded by Herodotus.^ They stated that their city was 
founded twenty-three hundred years before his visit. The visit 
of Herodotus must have been made about 450 B.C. On the 
assumption that Tyre was founded soon after the coming of the 
Phoenicians to the Mediterranean coast, the date for the migra- 
tion may be set at approximately the figure given above. But 
the migration may not have occurred at once; it may have 
extended over a period of many years. 

Topography and Appearance 

On the shore of Syria from the headland of Ras al-Abiad the 
plain of Tyre stretches northward fifteen miles to the River 
Litany (Leontes). Opposite the middle of this plain, twenty 
miles south of Sidon, an island of rock stood out of the sea. 
It was on this island, in longitude 35° 15' east, and latitude 
33° 15' north^ that Tyre was first founded.^ It took its name 

1 Renan, Histoire des Langues Semitiques, II, 2, page 183. Vid. also 
Eiselen, Sidon, page 28; Rawlinson, Phoenicia, pages 20-22; Pietschmann, 
Geschichte der Phonizier, pages 109-126; Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, 
pp. 63-64. 

2 Vid. p. 2 above. 

' Herodotus, II, 44. This date is extremely uncertain. 

* Conder and Kitchener, Survey of Western Palestine, Vol. I, Chart I. 
Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 41. Rand McNally and Company's Library Atlas 
of the World, (New York and Chicago, 1912), Vol. II, p. 80. 

5 The relative ages of Island Tyre and Tyre-on-the-Mainland have been 
much disputed. Priority was accredited to Tyre-on-the-Mainland by Movers 
(Die Phonizier, Part II, Book I, pages 172, 173) ; and Rawlinson (Phoenicia, pp. 
40, 41), and this conclusion would have to be credited if we could accept the 
answer of the Tyrians to Alexander at its face value (vid. p. 55 below) or if we 


Tyre (Greek Tu/jo?; Phoenician *11^; Arabic Sur; Assyrian and 
Babylonian Sur-ru; Hebrew ll^j or *1ii ; Egyptian Dara, or Tar, 
or Taru in the Amarna letters; early Latin Sarra) from the island, 
the Semitic Sur, meaning Rock. At a later time the new city, or 
an extension of the old city, was built upon the mainland. The 
city upon the mainland was designated as Old Tyre, or Palae- 
tyrus, by the Greeks. Beside the principal island lay a smaller 
one, on which, in the earliest historic period, stood a famous 
temple of Melkart.^ Hiram, contemporary of David and 
Solomon, joined the two islands, reconstructed and adorned the 
temples, and enlarged the space of his capital eastward by 
wresting a considerable area from the sea.^ In this way the 
island attained a circumference of twenty-two stadia, about 
two and a half miles.^ By means of piers, a harbor was made 
on the northern side of the island, and another on the southern 
side; the first was called the Sidonian harbor, the other the 
Egyptian. A canal through the city connected these.^ 

The outer walls, on the side toward the mainland, were one 
hundred and fifty feet high and were surmounted by battle- 
ments, according to the Greek historians of Alexander's siege. ^ 
The royal palace was in the southwestern part of the city. The 

conclude from the myth related by Sanchoniathon (vid. p. 7 below) that 
Tyre was founded before the art of ship-building wad known. However, 
Hengstenburg argued (De Rebus Tyriorum, pp. 1-29) that Island Tyre was 
the older; Renan (Mission de Phenicie, pp. 576, 577) and Pietschmann (Die 
Phon., pp. 68-70) come to the same conclusion. The Tyre of the Amarna 
letters and of the early Egyptian travelers was clearly the island city . The 
mainland town was then called Sazu (vid. p. 9 below). Maspero states the 
present position of scholars as follows: "Palaetyrus is now generally admitted 
to have been merely an outpost of Tyre, and is conjecturally placed by most 
scholars as near Ras aJ-Ain." (Vid. Struggles of the Nations, p. 186.) 

1 It had been supposed that the smaller island lay to the north (Kenrick, 
Phoenicia, p. 347; Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 91), but excavations show that 
the smaller island which Hiram joined to the main island laid to the southwest 
of the larger island. (Vid. Benzinger, Baedeker's Palestine and Syria, 1912, 
p. 272.) 

2 Vid. Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 2, 7; Against Apion, I, 17-18. 

3 Vid. Strabo, XVI, 2, 3. 
* Vid. Pliny, V, 76. 

« Vid. Curtius, IV, 2. 


chief temple was probably near the center: the Grand Square 
(Evpvx^^po'i) was in Hiram's eastern addition.^ The city was 
closely built. Some of its buildings were many stories high.^ 
The natural slope of the ground showed the buildings tier on 
tier to one who viewed them from the mainland. 

The water supply for the city of Tyre came from the wonderful 
springs of Ras al-Ain, south of the city, whose great reservoirs 
are still to be seen. It was carried to Palaetyrus by an aqueduct 
and thence was taken to the island city in earliest times by 

Alexander constructed a mole from the mainland to the 
island, and deposits of sand have widened this until now the 
ancient island is connected with the shore by a neck of land a 
quarter of a mile wide. The Egyptian harbor has so completely 
silted up that its location is a matter of question. 

The appearance of the island city called forth unbounded 
praise from many lovers of the picturesque. Ezekiel spoke of it 
as " of perfect beauty."* 

Strabo speaks of Tyre in the time of Augustus as follows: 

"The foundation of her colonies, both in Libya and Iberia, as far as 
the Columns, raises the glory of Tyre far higher (than that of Sidon). 
Each lays claim to the title ' Mother of the Phoenicians.' ... It is said 
that the houses at Tyre are built in more stories than at Rome; therefore, 
on account of the earthquakes which it has experienced, the town has 
had a narrow escape of being destroyed: it also received great damage 
at the siege of Alexander. But it surmounted all these misfortunes and 
repaired its losses partly by navigation, in which the Phoenicians in 
general have at all times surpassed other nations, and partly by their 
purple, for the Tyrian purple is acknowledged to be the best; the fishing 
(for this purpose) is carried on not far away. Tyre possessed everything 
necessary for dyeing. It is true that the work-shops of so many dyers 

1 Vid. Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 2, 7; Against Apion, I, 17-18. 

2 Vid. Strabo, Geography, XVI, 2-23. 

3 Vid. p. 13 below. The aqueducts and conduits are spoken of by Menander 
as existing in the time of Shalmaneser. (Josephus: Antiq., IX, 14, 2.) A!, 
modern historians agree in attributing them to a very remote antiquityl 
(Vid. Kenrick, Phoen., p. 384; Renan, Mission de Ph^nicie, pp. 593, 594; 
Pietschmann, Phon., p. 70.) 

4 Ezekiel, XXVII, 3. 


make residence in the city incommodious, but it is to the skill of her work- 
men in this branch of her industry that the city owes her wealth. . . . 
She obtained a confirmation of her liberty from the Romans at the price 
of light conditions. . . . The maritime power of the Tyrians is attested 
by the number and the grandeur of their colonies."^ 

Pliny, writing about 75 A.D., says: "The Tyre so famous in 
ancient times for its offspring, the cities to which it gave birth, 
Leptis, Utica, and Carthage — Gades also which she founded 
beyond the limits of the world. At the present day all her 
fame is confined to the production of the murex and the purple. 
Its circumference, including Palaetyrus, is nineteen miles. "^ 

Jerome (340-420 A.D.) in his commentaries on Ezekiel, 
speaks of the city in his day as "nobilissima et pulcherrima." 

About the end of the fourth century, or the beginning of the 
fifth, Nonnus wrote: 

"And Dionysius rejoiced when he beheld the city which Neptune had 
bounded with the humid girdle of the sea. Her form is like the crescent 
moon. And he beheld what seemed a double wonder, for Tyre lies in the 
sea, being bounded by the waves, yet belongs to the land. She is Uke a 
maiden floating motionless, half hidden in the waters. . . . 

"Never have I seen such beauty, for the lofty trees murmur beside the 
waves. The near-by wood nymph listens to the ocean nymph speaking in 
the sea, and the mild mid-day breeze breathing from Lebanon on the 
Tyrian waves, and on the maritime fields, with the same breath that ripens 
the fruits, fills the seaman's sails, at once cooUng the brow of the husband- 
man and filling the mariner's sails. . . . 

"0 City, famous throughout the world, image of the earth, figure of 
heaven, thou holdest the triangular sword-belt of thy fellow the sea."* 

The Origin and Founding of Tyre 

Nothing is known as to the circumstances of the founding of 
Tyre.* According to Tyrian myths, theirs was the most vener- 

1 Strabo, XVI, 2-23. 
^ Pliny, Natural History, V, 17. 
' Nonnus, Dionysiaca, XL, 311 ff. 

* For a full discussion of the various mythological accounts of the city vid. 
Movers, Die Phonizier, Vol. I, p. 118 ff. 


able city in the world. After creation came a race of demi-gods 
who discovered that fire could be produced by rubbing pieces of 
wood together, and gave this boon to man. Then came giants 
whose names were conferred upon the mountains which they 
occupied, and from them Cassius, Lebanus, Antilebanus and 
Brathu received their names.^ After these were born Shamen- 
rum or Hypsuranius, and Usoos the hunter. Shamenrum 
dwelled on the coast of the future town of Tyre. He invented 
huts of reeds, rushes and papyrus. A conflict arose between 
the two brothers. A violent storm caused the trees to rub 
against each other until they took fire and the forests of the 
neighborhood were consumed. Usoos, having taken a tree and 
broken off its boughs, was the first to venture on the sea. Arriv- 
ing at one of the islands he dedicated two pillars, one to fire and 
the other to wind, pouring out blood of beasts that he had taken 
in hunting, and in after years men continued to worship at the 
pillars. It was thus that the island city of Tyre was founded.^ 
According to another legend, the island was not originally 
fixed, but rose and fell with the waves. Between the two peaks 
that looked down upon the island was the olive tree of Astarte 
sheltered by a curtain of flame. An eagle thereon watched over 
a serpent coiled around the trunk. The whole island would 
cease to float as soon as some one succeeded in sacrificing the 
bird to the gods. Usoos or Herakles, destroyer of monsters, 
taught the people how to make boats and manage them. He 
then sailed to the island. The bird offered itself voluntarily for 
sacrifice, and as soon as its blood was poured out, Tyre rooted 
itself firmly to its place in the sea.^ From this time the gods 
never ceased to dwell in the holy island. Here Astarte herself 
was born,^ and in one of her temples there was shown a fallen 

1 The identification of the peak Brathu is uncertain. 

2 Sanchoniathon, Fragment in Philo Byblius, -Phoenicia. Philo, born 42 
A.D., represents Sanchoniathon or Sanchuniathon as a Phoenician writer of 
great antiquity, but the existence of Sanchoniathon, outside of the imagina- 
tion of Philo, has been seriously doubted. Philo's citation is preserved by 
Eusebius, Praep. Evang., I, 9, 10. Vid. P. Migne, Patrologae, Vol. XXI, p. 7. 

3 Nonnus, Dionysiaca, XL, 428 ff. 

* Cicero, De Natura Deorum, III, 23. 


star which she had brought back from one of her journeys.^ 
Baal was called the Melkart, King of the City.^ 

As to the date of the founding of Tyre, there is much uncer- 
tainty, Herodotus^ gives an account of his visit to the city 
and his investigations there. He states that the priests of the 
temple of Melkart told him that their temple was built when 
the city was founded, twenty-three hundred years before that 
date. Assuming the visit of Herodotus to have been about 
450 B.C., we have 2750 B.C. for the founding of the city. 

Justin* says that Tyre was founded one year before the capture 
of Troy. He says : " The Sidonians many years after the building 
of their city, were defeated by the king of Ascalon, and came 
in their ships to Tyre, which they founded a year before Troy 
fell." This dates the founding of the city somewhere near 1200 
B.C. Josephus^ tells us that Tyre was founded two hundred 
and forty years before the building of the temple at Jerusalem, 
which agrees approximately with the date given by Justin. 

But, as we learn from the Tel-el-Amarna letters,^ Tyre was a 
great city two centuries earlier than the date given by Justin 
and Josephus. We must therefore accept the account of Herod- 
otus for the present, at least. 

Earliest Historic Records 

As early as 1400 B.C. Tyre was not only a great city but 
was considered impregnable.'' Our earliest clear record of events 
at Tyre^ is given us in the Amarna letters. It is probable that 

1 Sanchoniathon Vid. Eusebius, Praep. Evang., I, 10. 

^ Kenrick, History of Phoenicia, pp. 322-323; p. 146 below. 

3 Herodotus, II, 44. 

* Justin, XVIII, 3. 

^ Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 3. 

« Vid. p. 9 ff. below, 

7 Vid, Rib-Adda's letter, p. 12 below. 

8 "No campaign against Tyre is mentioned in any of the Egyptian annals. 
The expedition of Thutmosis III against Senzauru (Inscription of Amenem- 
habi I, 20) was directed not against the 'double Tyre' , , , but against a 
town of Coelo-Syria mentioned in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets with the orthog- 
raphy Zinzar." Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 190. 


the city yielded to Thotmes III when he made his victorious 
campaigns into Syria.^ The city acknowledged submission to 
Egypt at the time of Amenophis IV. 

In the reign of this Amenophis IV,^ King of Egypt, we have 
through the Tel-el-Amarna^ letters an interesting bit of Tyrian 
history. The Egyptian power in western Asi^ evidently waned 
while Amenophis was having his troubles with the ancient 
priesthood at home. Two factions were at war in the Phoenician 
cities. Rib-Adda of Byblus (Gebal) reported the revolt of his 
subjects and the successes of his rival, Abd-Ashirta,^ and his son 
Aziru. Cities were taking sides. Both sides professed loyalty to 
the king of Egypt. It is clear that all had been under Egyptian 
dominance. Abi-Milki^ was governor of Tyre. He belonged to 
the Rib-Adda faction. Zimrida, governor of Sidon, belonged to 
the other side. Through his agency Samuru had fallen. Now 
with Aziru he besieged the Island City of Tyre. He had captured 
Sazu on the mainland, and had cut off Tyre's supply of wood 
and water,^ thus desperately harassing the city. That the siege 
was of considerable duration is shown by the protracted corre- 
spondence. Abi-Milki sent repeated appeals to the king of 
Egypt for help. We have four of these letters in the British 
Museum (Numbers 28-31); two others are preserved at Gizeh 
(B., Numbers 98, 99), and one at Berlin (B., Number 162). 

1 Vid. Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, p. 190; also Budge, History 
of Egypt, Vol. IV, p. 31 ff. 

^ G. A. Cooke, in his article "Phoenicia" in the Encyclopedia Britannica, 
11th ed., gives 1376-1366 as dates for Amenophis IV. Bezold gives 1466-1454 
(Tel-el- Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, p. xxii). Budge, History of 
Egypt, Vol. I, pp. 154-56, dates the reign of Amenophis IV at not later than 
1400 B.C. In Vol. IV, Ch. 1, he dates this siege at about 1430 B.C. Breasted, 
History of Ancient Egyptians, p. 428, dates Amenophis IV, 1375-1358. 

^ Vid. Bezold, The Tel-el- Amarna Letters in the British Museum, London, 
1891; also Winckler, Die Thontafeln von Tel-el-Amarna, Berlin, 1896. 
Conder, The Tell Amarna Tablets, London, 1893. 

* Abd-Ashirta, Phoenician mOK'ynay, Greek A/SSao-rpdroj. Josephus 
mentions a king of Tyre by this name (Against Apion, I, 8). Vid. p. 24 below. 

* Abi-Milki, Hebrew Tl^D ''2Ni a name given to several kings of PhiUstia, 
Gath, Gerar, etc. Genesis XX, 2; XXVI, 1; Psalms XXXIV, 1; Judges 
VIII, 31. 

« Vid. p. 10 below. 


In the letter (B. 98) preserved at Gizeh, Abi-Milki, after the 
customary salutations and assurances of loyalty, entreats the 
king to send provisions.^ The second letter at Gizeh (B. 99) 
contains a petition to the king of Egypt that he will order his 
inspector in Syria to supply him with wood and water from the 
city of Sazu. This letter relates that Sidon and Hazor have 
gone over to the enemy, and adds that the king of Egypt will 
now be able to judge of the desperate condition of Tyre.^ Abi- 
Milki seems to have received a letter to the effect that royal 
orders had been given that Sidon and Arvad furnish supplies. 
In the letter preserved at Berlin (B. 162) Abi-Milki expresses 
pleasure at the king's message, but reports that Sidon and 
Arvad have supplied no wood or water. The style of the letters 
is shown by the following summary of B. 28 given by C. Bezold:^ 

"To the king, my lord, my sun, my god, thus saith Abi-Milki, thy 
servant: 'Seven times and seven times do I prostrate myself at the feet 
of the king, my lord. I am the dust beneath the feet of the king, my 
lord, and upon that which he treadeth, 0, my king and my lord, thou 
are like unto the god Shamash and to the god Rimmon in heaven. Let 
the king give counsel to his servant! Now the king, my lord, hath 
appointed me the guardian of the city of Tyre, the Royal Handmaid, 
and 1 sent a report in a table unio the king, my lord; but I have received 
no answer thereunto. I am an officer of the king, my lord, and I duly 
report all that cometh to pass, be it favorable or unfavorable.' " 

Abi-Milki then asks that the king of Egypt let him have twenty 
additional soldiers^ to defend his city. If the king will graciously 
give this order, his servant Abi-Milki will "live forever." There 
is a break in the text and then we learn that Zimrida (?) has 
delivered the city of Samuru to Aziru and that in consequence 
"the king of Egypt did not eat from the produce of his city or 
of his land." When Abi-Milki heard of the renown of the king 
and of the fame of his troops, he feared greatly, and all the 
countries round about trembled because they had not protected 
the king's interests. As soon as Zimrida knew that Abi-Milki 

1 C. Bezold, The Tel-el-Amarna Letters in the British Museum, p. Ixii. 
* C. Bezold, The Tel-el-Amarna Letters in the British Museum, p. Ivi. 
' Perhaps meaning twenty companies. 


had been appointed governor of Tyre, he attacked and captured 
the city of Sazu, and therefore the suppHes of wood and water 
which Abi-Milki drew from thence were cut off, and as the 
Tyrians were unable to provide themselves in any other way, 
some of them died of want. Abi-Milki asks for fresh instructions. 

The king of Egypt had ordered Abi-Milki to report to him 
everything he heard, and in obedience to this command he now 
writes, " Zimrida, governor of Sidon, and Aziru (a dis- 
affected Egyptian official), and the people of Arvad, had joined 
in a league and had entered into a conspiracy and had gathered 
together their ships and chariots and soldiers and had made an 
attack upon Tyre, the Handmaiden of the King," but the "hand 
of the king obtained might and slew them," and they were 
unable to capture the city. But the city of Samuru had been 
given to Aziru by command of Zimrida. "Concerning these 
things I have already sent a tablet to the king, my lord, but I 
have received no answer. I am surrounded on all sides with 
foes and we have neither wood nor water." 

In this desperate condition, unable to obtain supplies from 
the mainland, and only getting them with the greatest difficulty 
from his ships because of the blockading fleet, Abi-Milki entreats 
the king to send him instructions, and also to take steps to 
protect his city Tyre and his servant Abi-Milki. In conclusion 
he sends this tablet by the hands of a common soldier to whom 
he begs the king to give an immediate answer. The destitute 
condition of his household is shown by the fact that he is com- 
pelled to send the soldier without gifts for the king, instead of a 
proper envoy. 

A second letter^ in the British Museum (B. M. 29) contains 
the usual profuse salutation. The king of Egypt seems to have 
ordered that Abi-Milki should be general of the troops, whereat 
he expresses his joy (Yayaya!) and homage. "I will guard the 
city of Tyre, the great city, for the king, my lord, and I will 
hold it until the king shall send forth his power to help me, to 
give me water to drink and wood to warm myself withal." 

1 Bezold, Tel-el-Amarna Letters in the British Museum, p. lix. 


Zimrida of Sidon and Aziru, son of Abd-Ashirta, are harassing 
him daily. 

In a third letter in the British Museum^ (B. M. 30) Abi-Milki 
writes to the king of Egypt with the usual compliments, and with 
the usual complaints against Zimrida, and with the usual plea 
for wood and water. He is sending a present by his messenger, 
Ilu-Milki.^ In reply to the king's orders he reports the news 
from the land of Canaan. The letter concludes with an urgent 
appeal for help. 

The fourth letter^ (B.M. 31) of Abi-Milki in the British Museum 
collection is not well preserved. He has been ordered to salute 
Shalmayati and supply him with water. He has no water to 
give and therefore asks the king to take steps to have this done 
himself. He still professes loyalty and seems to want to defend 
Tyre, "the city of Shalmayati." But he seems to know that all 
is lost. He calls Tyre "the city of Shalmayati" (perhaps a 
rival governor), and prepares to withdraw. This first known 
siege of Tyre seems, therefore, to have been successful, resulting 
in the overthrow of Abi-Milki and the Rib-Adda faction. 

Among the letters from Rib-Adda, King of Gebal, to the 
king of Egypt, is one referring to the situation at Tyre (B. 49). 
He writes: "Behold Tyre is in a state of rebellion, and if you 
doubt my words, ask my brother Yamilki (Tj /D H*')- I sent my 
possessions to Tyre for safety, but now the Tyrians have slain 
their general and also my sister and her sons. I sent my sister's 
daughters to Tyre fearing Abd-Ashirta."^ Here again is an 
indication that the siege was successful and resulted in the 
overthrow of Abi-Milki. 

Only a few meager facts about Tyre have survived from the 
period immediately following the reign of Abi-Milki. After the 
period of the Amarna letters it would seem that Tyre and other 
cities of Syria, finding that Egypt could not maintain her rule 

1 Bezold, Tel-el-Amama Letters in the British Museum, p. Ixi. 

2 Compare Tj^C^JK, Ruth I: 2. 

' Bezold, Tel-el-Amarna Letters in the British Museum, p. Ixii. 
* Vid. Budge, History of Egypt, Vol. IV, p. 215. 


by arms, refused submission and became independent. But in 
the reign of Seti I (1313-1292) Egypt showed again her power to 
conquer. In the hst of the conquests of the king, preserved 
upon a sphinx in his temple at Kurna, Tyre (D'ru) is among the 
cities named.^ A traveler writing in the reign of Ramses II 
(1292-1225 B.C.)2 says: "... They speak of another city in 
the sea, Zor (111?, Tyre) the Lake (port) is her name. The 
drinking water is brought to her in boats. She is richer in 
fishes than in sand."^ 

The next antiquity of interest to us is Papyrus Anastasi III 
of the British Museum. It gives us a few pages of a school 
copy-book on which an official in some frontier town of Pales- 
tine wrote some hurried notes about the persons who passed 
through on the way to Syria. We are interested in a note that 
runs as follows: 

"Year 3 (Merneptah), first month of the third season (i. e., ninth 
month), fifteenth day. 

"There went up the servant of Baal, Roy, son of Zeper of Gaza, who 
had with him for Syria two letters; for the captain of infantry, Khay, 
one letter; for the chief of Tyre, Baalat-Remeg, one letter."^ 

Another of the notes which may refer to Tyre is as follows : 

"Year 3, first month of the third season (ninth month), the day. 

"There went up the attendant . . . who journeyed to (Upper) Tyre 
(D'-r' Rum). "6 

In the age of Joshua, Tyre was "the strong city."*' A papyrus 

1 J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (Univ. of Chicago, 1906), Vol. 
Ill, paragraph 114. 

2 The dates for Egyptian kings given on this and the following page are as 
given by Breasted. 

3 Vid. Henry Brugsch-Bey's History of Egypt, translation of H. D. Sey- 
mour (London, 1879), Vol. II, p. 105; also Bezold, The Tel-el-Amarna Letters 
in the British Museum, p. Ivii. 

* Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. Ill, paragraph 629, 630. 

6 Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. Ill, 632, 633. There is un- 
certainty as to the town referred to, Miiller being inclined to place it on the 
Jordan. (Miiller: Asien und Europa, 272.) 

6 Joshua XIX, 29. If we accept 1480 B.C. as the date for the Exodus in 
accordance with Jewish tradition followed by Usher et al., we have as the 


found in 1891 in Upper Egypt, opposite Feshun, and now in 
St. Petersburg, gives the report of an officer by the name of 
Wenamon.^ It belongs perhaps to the reign of Ramses XII 
(1118-1090). Wenamon was sent to secure cedars from Lebanon 
for the king's use in ship-building. He met with a series of 
mishaps which show that Egypt, though claiming sovereignty, 
could not even protect her own messengers in Syria. He stopped 
at Tyre and mentions the harbor, but unfortunately his record 
here is so marred that nothing else can be made out. 

The Rise of Tyre to Supremacy among the Phoenician Cities 

The statement of Josephus that Tyre was founded two hundred 
and forty years before the building of the temple at Jerusalem,^ 
and that of Justin that it was founded the year before the fall 
of Troy,^ warrant the belief that something unusual occurred 
in the city's history about 1200 B.C. The city, as has been 
shown, was founded at a much earlier date. It may be that 
the later date marks an awakening and the beginning of a new 
era in the city's life. We find Tyre in commercial supremacy soon 
after this date.^ Perhaps an accession of strength from Sidon 
greatly promoted her prosperity. It is probable that the 
conditions in the sister city were such as to divert trade to Tyre. 
Foreign conditions were also favorable. For many centuries the 
Minoan power in Crete, as we learn from recent discoveries, 
shared the seas with the Phoenicians, perhaps antedating them 
in many manufacturing, commercial and marine achievements.^ 

date for Joshua's conquests 1440 B.C. But while there is much un- 
certainty as to the time of the Exodus, it is now usually assigned to a later date. 
Rawlinson, Brugsch, Masp6ro et al. date it in the reign of Meneptah; — Brugsch 
about 1300 B.C., Budge about 1270 B.C., Lepsius 1314 B.C. Breasted, 
Benzinger et al. consider the Khabiri of the Amarna letters the van of the 
Hebrew invasions of Palestine by people kindred to the Jacob tribes. Breasted 
places the entrance of the Jacob tribes into Palestine as late as the reign of 
Rameses IV, which he dates 1167-1161 B.C. 

^ Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, Vol. IV, 557-567. 

^ Vid. page 8 above. 

* Vid. page 8 above. 

* Vid. page 134 et seq. below. 

5 Vid. James Blaikie, The Sea-Kings of Crete, London, 1910; A. Mosso, The 


But the Minoan power was fast falling into decay. The way 
to the sovereignty of the seas was open. 

The awakening manifested itself in quickened courage and 
new enterprise. As early as 1100 B.C., Tyrian seamen not only 
passed the Gates of Hercules and dared the open Atlantic; but 
they planted the colony of Utica in Africa, and that of Gades in 
far-off Iberia.^ Sailors who braved the real and imaginary perils 
of such voyages must be accredited with great courage; such 
courage made Tyre the queen of the seas. And citizens willing 
to leave the comforts of Tyrian homes for pioneer dwellings on 
the far-off edge of the world must be accredited with a great 
spirit of commercial enterprise; and such spirit made Tyre the 
mart of the nations. 

Dawn of Mediterranean Civilization, translation of M. C. Harrison, New York, 
1911, pp. 64-211 ; R. M. Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete and their Bear- 
ing on the History of Ancient Civilization, London, 1907. 
1 Vid. pp. 134 ff . below. 



After Abi-Milki, it is probable that Shalmaj^ati was the King 
of Tyre.^ Unless we are to understand that Baalat-Remeg was 
king of the city,^ no record remains to tell us who held the 
throne after Shalmayati until the time of Abi-baal, and all the 
information that has survived regarding Abi-baal is limited to 
that which Josephus gives, viz., that he was king of Tyre and 
father of Hiram.^ 

When Abi-baal died, his son Hiram (DID, High-Born, or 
D1^n[^^], Brother-of-the-Lofty) succeeded to the throne. The 
city over which Hiram reigned had developed many arts to a high 
state of perfection. The achievements in architecture, masonry, 
carpentry, metallurgy, the weaving of delicate fabrics, sewing and 
the like were not the product of a single generation. 

Hiram seems to have been a statesman worthy of his time. 
He enlarged the city by filling in on the eastern side of the island^ 
and made a Grand Square (Evpvxcopo^i) in this new addition to 
the city.^ To the southwest of the main island was a smaller 
island upon which was the temple of Melkart.^ Hiram joined the 
two islands.^ He reconstructed the temples of the city, and for 
this purpose he brought materials of wood from Mount Lebanon.^ 
The temple of Melkart he adorned with donations of gold and 
in it he dedicated a pillar of gold.^ It was probably at this time 
that the harbors were enlarged and connected by canal through 

^ Vid. p. 12 above. 

'^ Vid. p. 13 above. 

^ Vid. statements of Menander and Dius quoted by Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 
5, and Against Apion, I, 14-18. Josephus says of Menander: "This Menan- 
der, the Ephesian, wrote the acts that were done both by the Greeks and the 
Barbarians under every one of the Tyrian kings, and had taken much pains 
to learn their history out of their own records." Of Dius he says: "One that 
is believed to have written the Phoenician history after an accurate manner." 

* Vid. p. 4 above. 



the city.^ But that which preserved his deeds in the knowledge 
of men was his alUance with Israel. 

Israel was just coming to her glory. Until the time of David 
the subjugation of the Canaanites had been incomplete.^ In 
the period of the Judges we find Israel a prey to one after another 
of the Canaanitish tribes.^ But under the leadership of King 
David, contemporary of Hiram, Israel had defeated the Phil- 
istines, the Moabites, the Edomites,^ the Ammonites,^ the Syrians, 
and had extended her borders even to the Euphrates.^ 

Hiram sent a friendly embassy to David and opened nego- 
tiations, a result of which was that cedar trees were sent to 
Jerusalem, Tyrian carpenters and masons were also supplied 
by Hiram, and in due time the royal palace of King David was 
built.^ The alliance continued through the life of David. In 
his closing years, when David was collecting materials for the 
Temple, he was aided by the "Zidonians and they of Tyre."^ 

When Solomon inherited the throne of his father David, he 
inherited also his purpose to erect the Temple at Jerusalem. 
And Solomon sent to Hiram, the King of Tyre, saying: 

"As thou didst deal with David my father, and didst send him cedars 
to build him an house to dwell therein, even so deal with me. Behold, 
I build an house for the name of the Lord, my God, to dedicate it to 
him . . . and the house that I build is great : for great is our God above 
all gods. . . . Now therefore send me a man cunning to work in gold, 
and in silver, and in brass, and in iron, and in purple, and crimson, and 
blue, and that can skill to grave all manner of gravings, to be cunning 
with men that are with me in Juda and in Jerusalem, whom David my 
father did provide. Send me also cedar trees, and fir trees, and algum 
trees, out of Lebanon: for I know that thy servants can skill to cut timber 
in Lebanon; and, behold, my servants shall be with thy servants, even 
to prepare me timber in abundance; for the house which I am about to 
build shall be wonderfully great. And, behold, I will give to thy servants, 
the hewers that cut timber, twenty thousand measures of beaten wheat, 
and twenty thousand measures of barley, and twenty thousand baths 
of wine, and twenty thousand baths of oil." 

1 Vid. p. 4 above. ^ II Samuel, XIX. 

» II Samuel, V, 6-9. « II Samuel, VIII, 10; I Kings, IV, 21. 

s Judges, III-XVI. ' II Samuel, V, 11-12. 

^ II Samuel, VIII. « j Chronicles, XXIT, 4. 


Then Hiram the king of Tyre answered in writing which he 
sent to Solomon: "Because the Lord loveth his people, he hath 
made thee king over them." Hiram said, moreover: 

"Blessed be Jahveh the God of Israel, that made heaven and earth, 
who hath given to David the King a wise son, endued with discretion 
and understanding, that should build an house for Jahveh, and an house 
for his kingdom. And now I have sent a cunning man, endued with 
understanding, of Hiram my father's, the son of a woman of the daughters 
of Dan, and his father was a man of Tyre, skilful to work in gold, and in 
silver, and in brass, in iron, in stone, and in timber, in purple, and in 
blue, in fine linen, and in crimson, and to grave any manner of graving, 
and to devise any device: that there may be a place appointed unto him 
with thy cunning men, and with the cunning men of my lord David thy 
father. Now therefore the wheat, and the barley, the oil and the wine 
which my lord hath spoken of, let him send unto his servants: and we 
will cut wood out of Lebanon, as much as thou shalt need: and we will 
bring it to thee in floats by sea unto Joppa: and thou shalt carry it up 
to Jerusalem."^ 

The agreement was made, and while the rough work was 
done by the subjects of Solomon, the skilled artisans of Hiram 
directed the work under the guidance of the master workman 
referred to above. 

It is clear that the Jewish writers were greatly impressed 
with the architectural skill of the Phoenicians. We read that 
the temple was built of stones made ready at the quarry, and so 
perfectly had they been made ready that "there was neither 
hammer or axe or any tool of iron heard in the house, while it 
was in building."^ Josephus tells us:^ "Now the whole structure 
of the temple was made with great skill, of polished stones, and 
those laid together so very harmoniously and smoothly that 
there appeared to the spectators no sign of any hammer, nor other 
instrument of architecture, but as if, without any use of them, 
the entire materials had naturally united themselves together." 

1 The account of the agreement between Hiram and Solomon is given 
briefly in I Kings, V, 1-12. It is enlarged in II Chronicles, II, 3-15. Jo- 
sephus, Antiq., VIII, 2, quotes the correspondence rather freely. 

2 1 Kings, VI, 7. 

' Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 3. 


The Jews were much impressed with the "great stones" 
and "wrought stones" that composed the foundation.^ They 
greatly admired the skill shown in the carving of wood, the 
graving of gold, in the adornments of precious stones, and the 
work in blue, and purple, and crimson, and fine linen .^ 

Before the temple, on the right hand and on the left, were 
placed two massive hollow pillars of brass eighteen cubits in 
height,^ each surmounted by a chapiter five cubits high, called 
Jachin and Boaz. These may have been modeled after the two 
pillars in the famous temple of Melkart^ at Tyre, one of which, 
overlaid in gold, Hiram had lately set up.^ An altar of brass 
was made for the burnt offerings; it was twenty cubits long, 
twenty cubits wide and ten cubits high. A brazen sea in hemi- 
spherical form and ten cubits in diameter was cast and set up 
on twelve brazen oxen that faced toward the four directions of 
the compass.^ Brazen bases for ten lavers were made; these 
were ornamented with figures of lions, oxen and cherubim (or 
"eagles," according to Josephus).^ 

Nothing has survived of the treasures of the Temple to tell 
us of Tyrian skill. The Temple was burned and its treasures 
plundered by Nebuzaradan, captain of the hosts of Nebuchad- 
rezzar, King of Babylon, in the year 588 B.C.^ 

Hiram obtained as a mark of the esteem of Solomon, a gift 
which he seems not to have appreciated.^ Because Hiram had 
furnished gold and silver, and cedar trees, and fir trees, Solomon 
gave him a district of Galilee bordering on his own possessions 
and containing twenty cities. Hiram went from Tyre to see 

^ Vid. I Kings, V, 17-18, and Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 3. 

2Vid. I Kings, VI, 14-36, and II Chronicles, III, 3-16; also Josephus, 
Antiq., VIII, 3. 

3 For the height of these two famous pillars, vid. I Kings, VII, 15; II Kings, 
XXV, 17; Jer. LII, 21; Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 3. The 35 cubits of II 
Chron., Ill, 15, is clearly wrong. 

* Vid. Herodotus, II, 44 

5 Vid. p. 16 above. 

8 1 Kings, VII; II Chron., IV; Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 3. 

' Ibid. 

« II Kings, XXV, 8-17; Jer., LII, 12-23. 

9 1 Kings IX 10-11; Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 5. 


the cities which Solomon had given him; and they pleased him 
not. And he said, What cities are these which thou hast given 
me, my brother? And he called them the land of Cabul, which, 
according to Josephus, is a Phoenician word meaning "what does 
not please."^ 

In the age of Hiram we have some light on Tyrian commerce 
and navigation. Solomon's conquest of the Edomites gave him 
possession of the port of Eziongeber, near Eloth on the Red 
Sea. Here he built a fleet of ships for trade in the eastern and 
southern waters; and Hiram furnished "shipmen who had 
knowledge of the sea."^ This fleet imported almug trees (per- 
haps sandal wood), precious stones,^ and gold of Ophir. Solo- 
mon's returns for a single voyage are said to have been four 
hundred and twenty talents of gold.'* 

On the basis of II Chronicles, IX, 21, it has been believed 
that Solomon had a fleet in the Mediterranean waters; but the 
Chronicler here interpreting I Kings, X, 22, reads "ships to 
Tarshish" for "ships of Tarshish, " and a "ship of Tarshish" 
seems to have been only a particular kind of a ship. 

Palestine has always traded with Asia Minor through Tarsus 
of Cicilia which the Arabs call "Tarshish,"^ and this may be the 
Tarshish of Genesis, X, 4. But most modern authorities® agree 
that the name was given to the region of Tartessus'^ in Spain, 
which appears to have extended from the Straits of Gibraltar to 
the mouth of the Guadalquiver. We know that Tyrian colonists 
made settlements in these regions as early as 1100 B.C.,^ and 

1 1 Kings IX, 10-13; Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 5. The district was probably 
assigned as a thing "pledged," 7133 from p33, to bind; but when Hiram 
found it of little value to him, he seems to have shrewdly interpreted its 
name as 3 ^ as, 711 = ?2^ not, i. e., '^as good as nothing." 

2 1 Kmgs, IX, 27. 

3 1 Kings, X, 11. 

* I Kings, IX, 28. 

^ Thompson, The Land and the Book, T, p. 16. 

^ Vid. Krall, Tyrus und Sidon, p. 50; Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 69; Pietsch- 
mann, Geschichte der Phonizier, p. 286. 

^ Arrian, III, 86; Diodorus, V, 35; Strabo, III, 147. 
Vid. p. 134 below. 


that Tyre carried on a vastly profitable commerce with these 

For the voyages to the Spanish coast the Phoenicians must 
have used their largest and strongest vessels. Because of this, 
a "ship of Tarshish" seems to have come to represent a certain 
kind of great strong ship^ much as the word "Indiaman" came 
to represent its specific type of vessel in the English service. 
It is clear that the "ships of Tarshish" of I Kings, XXII, 48, 
were for service in the Red Sea and the east, though the Chronicler 
as before interprets the expression as "ships to Tarshish" (II 
Chron., XX, 36-37). It is easy to see how Israel, holding the 
territory through which the caravans of Tyre must transport 
their merchandise for the eastern trade, could claim a share in 
that trade; but there are no evident reasons why Tyre should 
have shared with them the commerce of the Mediterranean. 
Then, the imports of this fleet of Solomon could not have come 
from Tarshish. The fleet brought gold, silver, ivory, apes, and 
peacocks.^ While the ivory and apes might have been gotten in 
North Africa, the peacocks almost certainly came from India 
or Ceylon, their native home.^ Solomon's "ships of Tarshish" 
therefore sailed in eastern waters, and the fact that they made 
three-year voyages is easily understood. The wealth that came 
to Israel through these commercial ventures under Tyrian direc- 
tion is suggestive of the golden streams that must have flowed 
into the coffers of Tyre, the real Mistress of the Sea. 

There was an interesting tilt of shrewdness between Hiram 
and Solomon. Josephus says: "Moreover the king of Tyre 
sent sophisms and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and desired 
that he would solve them and free them from the ambiguity 
that was in them. Now so sagacious and understanding was 

1 Vid. p. 138 et seq. below. 

2 1 Kings, XXII, 48 (Compare II Chron., XX, 36-37); Psalms, XLVIII, 
7; Isa., II, 16. 

3 1 Kings, X, 22: II Chron., IX, 21. 

* "The peacock is native to India and Ceylon, in some parts of which it is 
very abundant. . . . The Greeks probably had but slight knowledge of it 
until after Alexander's conquest." A. Newton, Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th 
ed., Article on Peacock. 


Solomon, that none of his problems were too hard for him, but 
he conquered them all by his reasonings, and discovered their 
hidden meaning and brought them to light. "^ That seems to 
be Israel's side of the story. But the fragment from the Tyrian 
writer Dius, which Josephus preserves for us, gives us a different 
version. According to this version, "Solomon who was then 
king of Jerusalem, sent riddles to Hiram; and desired that he 
might receive the like from him, but that he who could not solve 
them should pay money to him who did solve them, and that 
Hiram accepted the conditions; and when he was not able to 
solve the riddles, he paid a great deal of money for his fine: 
but that he afterwards did solve the proposed riddles by means 
of Abdemon, a man of Tyre; and that Hiram proposed other 
riddles which, when Solomon could not solve, he paid back a 
great deal of money to Hiram. "^ Unfortunately these dark 
sayings and their answers are lost, and we have no way of weigh- 
ing the wit of these friendly kings. 

Hiram lived fifty-three years and reigned thirty-four years. 
Upon his death, his son, Beleasarus (Baalusur) succeeded to the 
throne.^ Three miles distant from the modern town of Sur, and 
before the village of Hannawe, stands one of the most remark- 
able monuments of ancient Tyre that time has spared. It is 
called the Kabr Hiram, the tomb of Hiram. The base or 
pedestal consists of two tiers of great stones, each three feet 
thick, thirteen feet long, and eight feet, eight inches broad. 
Upon this rests the sarcophagus formed of a single block, which 
is twelve feet long, eight feet broad, and six feet high. The 
stone lid covering the sarcophagus is somewhat smaller and 
slightly pyramidal in form. It is five feet thick. The entire 
length is twenty-one feet.^ Renan discovered a rock chamber 
under the tomb, to which steps descended from the north end 

* Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 5. 

^ Josephus, Against Apion, I, 17. 

' Josephus, Against Apion, I, 18, calls this king BaXeofd/sos, = IV ?]}2 or 

nry hv2. 

* These measurements are given by Dr. Thompson. Vid. "The Land and 
the Book," III, 600. 


of the monument.^ At some time a large hole has been broken 
in the eastern end of the sarcophagus and the contents have 
been removed.^ This weather-beaten structure bears the marks 
of high antiquity. One is easily tempted to believe the tradi- 
tions that ascribe it to Hiram, friend of David and Solomon; 
rugged, unpolished, heroic, mysterious, solitary, it is a fit monu- 
ment of such a king. But whether the body of that King Hiram 
ever rested here or not, we do not know. 

1 Renan, Mission de Phdnicie, p. 600. 

2 Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, p. 104. 



JosEPHUS, quoting from the Phoenician history of Menander, 
says: " Upon the death of Hiram, Beleazarus (*ll^"7^^),his son, 
took the kingdom; he lived forty-three years and reigned seven 
years. After him came his son Abd-Astartus (n*int-^i7~"l!Il^); 
he lived twenty-nine years and reigned nine years. Now 
four sons of his nurse plotted against him and slew him, 
the eldest of whom reigned twelve years. After them came 

Astartus (H^int^i?), the son of Deleastartus (n*inti^i7"H)- 
He lived fifty-four years and reigned twelve years. After him 
came his brother Aserymus (D"n"C^^^)j who lived fifty-four years 
and reigned nine years. He was slain by his brother Pheles 
(5^/S) who took the kingdom and reigned but eight months, 
though he lived fifty years. He was slain by Ithobalus (!?^D"n t^) 
the priest of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two years and lived 
sixty-eight years. He was succeeded by his son Badezorus 
CnliilDi?) who lived forty-five years and reigned six years. 
He was succeeded by Matgenus (|nD), his son. He lived thirty- 
two years and reigned nine years. Pygmalion (|T^^^"D^D) 
succeeded him; he lived fifty-six years and reigned forty-seven 
years. Now in the seventh year of his reign his sister fled 
away from him and built the city of Carthage in Libya."^ 

To this Josephus adds: "So the whole time from the reign of 
Hiram to the building of Carthage, amounts to the sum of one 
hundred and fifty-five years and eight months. Since, then, 
the temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth year of the 

^ Josephus, Against Apion, I, 18. Cf. the quotation of Menander as pre- 
served by Eusebius, Historia, Book I, ch. XVI, H 4, vid. Migne, Patrologae, 
Vol. 19, p. 172. For full discussion of the early chronology of Tyre, vid. 
Movers, Die Phonizier, I, p. 138 ff. 



reign of Hiram, there were from the building of the temple to 
the building of Carthage, one hundred and forty-three years 
and eight months."^ But when we add twenty-two years of 
Hiram's reign^ to the years of the succeeding kings to the seventh 
year of Pygmalion, as given above, the sum is one hundred and 
twenty-five years; according to which Carthage was founded 
not one hundred and forty-three years, but one hundred and 
twenty-five years after the founding of the temple, and so we 
have another of the many vexing difficulties of ancient chronology. 

Within this period of Tyre's history, her religion deeply 
affected the life of Israel. According to the Tyrian annals just 
referred to, Ithobalus, priest of Astarte, who slew his predecessor 
and assumed the crown, was the seventh king after Hiram, and 
the years of the reigns as given above make him a contemporary of 
Ahab. Perhaps it was religious zeal that led him to espouse his 
daughter Jezebel to Ahab,^ though the alliance with the bold 
warrior king of Israel was not without political advantages as 
well. Jezebel brought a vast number of the priests of Baal with 
her. Ahab was persuaded to build a temple to the Tyrian god 
on the hill of Samaria.^ 

At the sanctuaries of Ashteroth, four hundred priests or 
"prophets" of Jezebel ministered, while at those of Baal, four 
hundred and fifty more were engaged.^ There was a great 
contest between the faith of Israel and that of Tyre. As a 
part of that contest, according to the account in I Kings, XVII, 
there was a great drought, and according to the Hebrew account 
this was finally broken by the prayer of Elijah.^ It is an inter- 
esting fact that Menander mentioned this drought in his account 
of the acts of Ithobalus or Ethbaal,^ King of Tyre, as follows: 

1 Josephus, Against Apion, I, 18. Vid. p. 24, note 1 above. 

2 Vid. p. 22 above. 
3 1 Kings, XVI, 31. 

* I Kings, XVI, 32. 

* I Kings, XVIII, 19. Ashteroth or Astarte was identified as Aphrodite by 
the Greeks. Vid. Lucian, De Dea Syria, 6. 

6 1 Kings, XVIII, 41^6. 

' Note that Ethbaal, King of Tyre (Josephus, Antiq., VIII, 13:2), is called 
King of the Sidonians in I Kings, XVI, 31. The Phoenicians were frequently 
called Sidonians. 


"Under him there was a want of rain from the month Hyperberetaeus 
till the month Hyperberetaeus of the year following; but when he made 
supplications, there came great thunderings. This Ethbaal built the 
city of Botrys in Phoenicia, and the city of Auza in Libya."^ 

Fearful persecutions were a part of the contest. Jezebel slew 
many of the prophets of God.^ Elijah, as a leader of Israel's 
religion, slew the prophets of Baal in Mount Carmel.' But 
Elijah soon realized that the nation was turning to Baal worship. 
The king accepted the religion of his queen, and the Tyrian 
worship presented such attractions that the whole people fol- 
lowed the royal example, fell away from the worship of Jehovah, 
and became votaries of Baal and Ashteroth.'* The fascination 
is seen in its persistence. 

"The pure cult of Judaism — the one hope of the world — contracted 
a well-nigh indelible stain from the proselytizing efforts of Jezebel, and 
Athaliah, and their furious persecutions; the heavenly light passed under 
a thick black cloud, and it required prolonged convulsions throughout the 
whole East, the downfall of Israel and Judah, and the long purgation of 
the Captivity, to undo the effects brought about with a light heart by a 
royal bigot, and his cruel daughter and grand-daughter."* 

^ Josephus, Antiquities, VIII, 13. 

2 1 Kings, XVIII, 13. 

» I Kings, XVIII, 49. 

* The evil influences that thus came in are declared (II Kings, XVIII, 
16-20) to have been among the forces that wrought the overthrow of Israel 
and finally led to the Captivity of Judah. 

6 Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, p. 117. 


tyke's resistance to ASSYRIAN ENCROACHMENT 

Tyre felt the force of Assyrian encroachment for the first 
time in the early half of the ninth century B.C. It was in 876 
B.C.^ that the Assyrian King, Asshurnazirpal, appeared on the 
heights of Lebanon overlooking the sea, and demanded the 
submission and tribute of the Phoenician cities. He had already 
conquered country after country. Cities that had resisted 
him had been plundered and destroyed and their inhabitants 
butchered with almost incredible cruelties. His army was one 
of the most perfect fighting machines that had ever been or- 
ganized. Their onslaught was considered resistless. The on- 
coming of an Assyrian army is thus described: "Behold they 
shall come with speed swiftly; none shall be weary nor stumble 
among them; none shall slumber or sleep; nor shall the girdle 
of their loins be unloosed nor the latchet of their shoes be broken; 
whose arrows are sharp and all their bows are bent, their horses' 
hoofs shall be counted like flint, and their wheels like a whirl- 
wind; their roaring shall be like a lion, they shall roar like young 
lions; yea, they shall roar and lay hold of the prey, and shall 
carry it away safe and none shall deliver it. In that day they 
shall roar against him like the roaring of the sea; and if one look 
into the land, behold darkness and sorrow; and the light is dark- 
ened in the heavens thereof."^ The king of Tyre was compelled 
to choose whether he would cross swords with this world-con- 
queror or submit under as favorable terms as could be secured. 

The conqueror himself describes his advance in these words: 

1 Goodspeed (History of Babylonians and Assyrians, p. 193) suggests the 
date of 876 B.C. with an interrogation. Winckler (History of Babylon and 
Assyria, Ed. of Craig, p. 213) gives 877 B.C., while Rogers (History of 
Babylon and Assyria, Vol. II, p. 63) suggests 876 B.C. but later (Cuneiform 
Parallels to the Old Testament, p. 285) feels it is nearer 868 B.C. 

2 Isaiah, V, 26-30. 



"At that time I marched along the Lebanon and to the great 
sea (Mediterranean) of the land of the Amurru I went up. 
I washed my weapons and made offerings to the gods. The trib- 
ute of the kings from the side of the sea, from the lands qf Tyre 
and Sidon, and Byblus and Makhallat and Maisa, and Kaisa, 
and Amurru and Arvad, which lies in the midst of the sea; 
silver and gold and lead and bronze, and garments of bright 
colored stuffs and cloth, and a great pagutu and a small pagutu, 
and ushu-wood, and ukarinnu-wood, and teeth of a dolphin, a 
creature of the sea, I received as their tribute and they embraced 
my feet. Mount Amanus I climbed and beams of cedar, cypress, 
juniper and pine I cut down. I made offerings to my gods, 
A stela with my deeds of valor I made and set up therein."^ 
From this inscription it is evident that the Tyrians chose the 
easier way of paying tribute to the conqueror. 

Now it must be remembered that the Tyrians were first of 
all a commercial people. Their prosperity depended upon peace, 
not war. Up to this time the ranges of Lebanon had proved a 
suflficient protection against the arms of the warlike nations, 
and the Phoenicians had been allowed to develop in their own 
way. They had never aspired to military conquests. Again 
and again in later times, when war was forced upon them, they 
showed that they were not without the courage that would 
have made worthy warriors, but they were a people of peace. 
If there are times when discretion is the better part of valour, 
it is not to the discredit of Tyre that she acknowledged the 
sovereignty of Assyria and brought her tribute to Asshurnazirpal. 

What commercial concessions Tyre secured, and what pro- 
tection for her trade, we do not know, for we have only the 
one-sided account of the conqueror; but for a century and a half 
the peaceful relationship continued. The Cuneiform records 
of this period make mention of tribute paid by Tyre and other 
Phoenician cities. Thus, in the Annalistic Fragments of Shal- 

1 Asshumazirpal's Annals, Column III, lines 84-89, as quoted in Rogers, 
Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, p. 287; Goodspeed, History of 
Babylonia and Assyria, p. 193; and Schrader, Cuneiform Insciiptions and 
the Old Testament (ed. Whitehouse, London, 1888), Vol. II, p. 144. 


manezer II, dated about 842 B.C., we read: "At that time I 
received the tribute of the Tyrians and Sidonians, and Jehu 
of the land of Omri."^ Of this king's last great expedition to 
the west, about 839 B.C., we read: "In the twenty-first year of 
my reign I crossed the Euphrates for the twenty-first time. 
I marched against the cities of Hazael of Damascus. I captured 
four of his cities. I received the tribute of Tyrians, Sidonians 
and Byblians."^ We have no evidence that Tyre was dis- 
contented with this situation. It is quite probable that, for the 
most part, the sway of Assyria was favorable to the land com- 
merce of Tyre, by making caravan routes more safe. Her 
wealth increased and her commerce was greatly extended. 
Isaiah, writing at the close of this period, reveals the prosperity 
that Tyre had been enjoying: "The harvest of the river is her 
revenue; and she is a mart of all nations. . . . Tyre, the crowning 
city, whose traffickers are the honorable of the earth. "^ 

It was in this period that a situation arose in Tyre that resulted 
in the founding of the city of Carthage,* and hence affected pro- 
foundly the later history of all the nations bordering on the 
Mediterranean.^ The facts regarding the founding of the city 
of Carthage, like those of many of the other cities of antiquity, 
are hopelessly interwoven with myths.^ We have a very brief 

1 Vid. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old Testament, p. 304. 
^Vid. ibid., p. 304, and Sayce: Records of the Past, Old Series, Vol. V, 
p. 35. 

» Isaiah, XXIII, 3-8. 

* 826 B.C., 01 814 B.C. There was probably a colony, or at least a trading 
post at the site of Carthage long before the flight of Elissa. Philistus as 
quoted by Eusebius (Chronicorum Lib. II, 803 years after Abraham. Vid. 
Migne, Patrologae, Vol. 19, p. 406) says that the city was founded thirty 
years before the fall of Troy, while Appian (VIII, 1) gives the date fifty years 
before that event. Virgil associates Dido with Aeneas in a way that would 
indicate that he held to a date about the time of the fall of Tioy, i. e., about 
1200 B.C. The early settlement was evidently fortified: it was called n")V3 
and the confusing of this with B^paa gave rise to Virgil's story of the ox-hide. 
Movers, Die Phonizier, Vol. II, Book II, 137, argues that the addition built by 
Elissa and her followers was called DKHn mp (New Town) in contrast 
to this former settlement. But vid. p. 32 below. 

* Vid. Krall, Tyrus und Sidon, p. 66. 

«Vid. Movers, Die Phonizier, Vol. I, pp. 350-361; Meltzer, Geschichte 
der Karthager, Vol. I, pp. 90-141. 


statement of Menander, preserved by Josephus/ from Tyrian 
sources. No record has come to us directly from Carthaginian 
historians. The best that have survived from Latin and Greek 
sources are the account of Virgil in the Aeneid, Book I with 
commentaries, and that in Justin, XVIII, 4-5. 

Menander, as quoted by Josephus, states that " he (Matgenus, 
\r\12) lived thirty-two years, and reigned nine years. Pyg- 
malion succeeded him; he lived fifty-six years and reigned forty- 
seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign his sister fled 
away from him, and built the city of Carthage in Libya. "^ 
This bald statement, devoid of details, may perhaps be accepted 
as trustworthy. 

According to Justin, when the king died, he left his son Pyg- 
malion and his daughter Elissa^ as joint heirs. But the people 
delivered the rulership to the boy Pygmalion. Elissa married 
her uncle Acerbas (Sychaeus of Virgil, 7^^ 1DD)/ priest of 
Hercules, whose place was second only to the king. This man 
had great but hidden riches. Through fear of the king he hid 
his wealth not in buildings but in the ground. Pygmalion, 
moved by avarice, slew his uncle. ^ Elissa was turned against 
her brother for a long time because of the crime, but at length 
she dissimulated her hatred and planned secret flight. Certain 
princes who were in disfavor with the king had entered into 
league with her. She went to her brother with craft and said 
that she wished to move to his house. Pygmalion heard her 
gladly, for he thought that she would bring the gold of Acerbas 

1 Josephus, Against Apion, I, 18. 

2 Ibid., I, 18. 

3 n^K feminine of ^N (?). 

* Commemoration of Baal. 130 in Phoen. = ^^T in Heb. Cf . n' 13T, 
Zechariah I, 1 et al. 

' According to one tradition, Pygmalion slew Acerbas before the altar in 
the temple of Melkart (Virgil, Aeneid, Bk. I) while another tradition reports 
that he invited Acerbas to hunt with him and while the attendants were 
pursuing a wild boar, he slew Acerbas with a spear and threw his body down 
a precipice. He then gave out that Acerbas had fallen to his death. Virgil 
is confused by the conflicting accounts, for while he states that Acerbas was 
slain before the altar publicly, he has the fact of the crime revealed to Elissa 
in a dream, as though the deed had been done in secret. 


with her. He sent servants and ships for the moving. The 
riches were secretly concealed on board the ships, but out at 
sea the servants were compelled to cast overboard bags of sand, 
which they were led to believe were the treasures, while she 
prayed the shade of her husband to accept the offering of the 
wealth that had caused his death. The servants were easily 
frightened into believing that, as the treasures were gone, their 
only safe course lay in flight. They were joined » by certain 
senators and priests of Hercules, and sought a home in exile.^ 

They went first to Cyprus where a priest of Jupiter with his 
family joined them. Eighty virgins who had come down to the 
sea-shore to dedicate themselves to Venus before marriage, were 
seized and carried away to be the wives of the founders of the 
new city. Pygmalion was inclined to follow with a hostile 
fleet, but was dissuaded by his mother, who was moved by 
prophetic inspiration to see that the new city was to be "urbs 
toto orbe auspicatissima."^ Ehssa, the wanderer, was called 

Dido (n"n^). 

An additional interesting statement concerning the founding 
of Carthage is given by Philistus as quoted by Eusebius.^ He 
states that Carthage was founded by "^copo^ and Kapxv^^^'- 
There can be no doubt that Sw/ao? is ^)i, Tyre, and that this 
is testimony of the part that Tyre played in the founding of the 
great Libyan city. A natural inference would be that JS^ap^v^'^v 
refers to another city that cooperated with Tyre in the founding 
of Carthage. It has been argued by Professor Jastrow* that 

^ The evidence shows that avarice was the motive of the crime of PygmaUon, 
and the unbroken friendly relations between Carthage and Tyre may be 
regarded as an indication that the flight of Elissa and her followers was the 
result of the personal character of Pygmalion rather than the opposition of 
any important faction of the people of Tyre. Yet the high standing of those 
who were in disfavor with the king and fled with Elissa, and the fact that the 
people had given to Pygmalion the sovereignty left to him and Elissa as 
joint rulers, suggest a civic situation in which the people and the crown were 
arrayed against the nobles and the priestly class. 

2 Justin, XVIII, 4-5. 

' Eusebius, Chron. Lib. II, year 803 after Abraham. Vid. Migne, Patrologae, 
Vol. 19, p. 406; Appian, VIII, 1, also gives Swpos and Kapx'/Scii' as the founders. 

* Jastrow, Journal American Oriental Society, Vol. XV, p. Ixx. 


the reference is probably to Kapxn^d^v (Kittium) in Cyprus. 
This city is spoken of in the Baal-Lebanon inscription,^ in the 
inscription of Esarhaddon,^ and elsewhere. It was evidently an 
important and flourishing city. It may be that the stop made by 
Elissa and her followers on the island of Cyprus was at this place, 
and that they remained here until the danger of pursuit made it 
advisable to depart, and that the priest of Jupiter and others 
who joined the enterprise here had large share in founding the 
New City, which was given the name of their home town.^ 

These legends and conjectures, however, are not to be accepted 
as established historic facts. The date and details as to the 
founding of Carthage form an interesting mystery in which 
very little is certainly known. Meltzer, after a careful considera- 
tion of all known materials on the subject, concludes that all 
that we may be sure of is " dass Karthago von Tyrien, iibrigens 
untern ganzlich unbekanten Umstanden, gegriindet war," and 
at a date quite uncertain.'* 

We come to a new light in the history of Tyre, with the coming 
of Tiglathpilezer III to the Assyrian throne in 746 B.C. He 
ruled all the dependencies of Assyria with a heavy hand. His 
immediate predecessors had been unable to enforce their sove- 
reignty in the west and collect the tribute claimed. Tiglath- 
pilezer III was a warrior and a statesman. He began with 
ruthless hand to establish Assyrian authority. A coalition to 
refuse tribute and resist its collection by force, if necessary, was 
formed. Tyre joined the combination, together with Judah, 
Israel, Damascus, Gebal and others to the number of nineteen. 
The confederation was formidable, but it lacked cohesion. 
Tiglathpilezer III marched on the confederates in 738 B.C. 
He met with no united opposition. One by one the cities made 
peace with him. When the campaign was over, Tiglathpilezer 
carried away the tribute from Kushtashpi of Kummukh, Rezon 

1 Vid. below, p. 33 below. 

2 Vid. Talbot, Records of the Past, Vol. Ill, pp. 107, 108. 

' It is quite possible that Carthage had its name "New Town" in contrast 
with the mother city, Tyre. But see footnote on p. 29 above. 
< Meltzer, Geschichte der Kathager, Vol. I, p. 141. 


of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of Tyre, Sibitti'li of 
Gebal, Urikki of Que, Pisiris of Carchemish, Enilu of Hamath, 
Panammu of Sam'al, Tarkhulara of Gurgum, Shulumal of 
Melid, Dadilu of Kask, Uassurme of Tabal, Ushkhitti of Atun, 
Urballa of Tukhan, Tukhammi of Ishtunda, Urimmi of Khu- 
bishna, and from Queen Zabibi of Arabia. Tiglathpilezer 
declares that he annexed the nineteen districts and appointed 
his generals as rulers over them.^ 

Here the earliest Phoenician inscription, the Baal-Lebanon, 
becomes available.^ It is engraved upon the fragments of a 
bronze bowl dedicated by a certain "governor of Karth- 
hadasht," or Karti-hadashti (New City, i. e., Kittium), servant 
of Hiram, King of the Sidonians, to Baal-Lebanon. It reads as 
follows : 

b^'2b ]n^ 1^ DJiy T^bD Dnn -in^; niz^-innnp pD i. 

nt:^innnp pD nc: ... 2. 

(1) . . . governor of Karth-hadasht, servant of Hiram, King 
of the Sidonians, gave this to Baal of Lebanon, my lord, of 
choicest bronze. 

(2) . , . TB, governor of Karth-hadasht. 

(3) to Baal of Lebanon, my lord.^ 

While the date of this fragment is not certain, it is probable 
that the King Hiram of the inscription is this Hiram of Tyre 
from whom Tiglathpilezer took tribute. The King of Tyre was 

1 Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the O. T., p. 316. In the tribute lists 
of 734-732 B.C. appear the kings of various Phoenician cities and this refer- 
ence: " My general, the Rabshakeh, to Tyre I send. Of Mietenna of Tyre 150 
talents of gold. ..." Vid. S. A. Strong (Trans.), Records of the Past, New 
Series, Vol. V, p. 126. 

^ This most ancient of our Phoenician inscriptions was graven on a bronze 
bowl which was found on the island of Cyprus in 1872. The peasant who 
found the bowl broke it to see if it were made of gold. He left some of the 
fragments; others he gave to his children for playthings. The lost fragments 
were never recovered. Eight fragments fitted together give us the above 
inscription. Cooke, Northern-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 11. Corpus Inscrip- 
tionum Semiticarum, I, 5. 


spoken of as the King of the Sidonians^ and this inscription gives 
us the interesting information that the authority of Tyre ex- 
tended to Cyprus at this period. In the closing years of Tiglath- 
pilezer's reign Maten was king of Tyre.^ 

In the reign of Shalmanezer IV we find Tyre still enjoying 
semi-independence under King Eluleus, and claiming authority 
over the other Phoenician cities and the Island of Cyprus. The 
Cyprians revolted, but Eluleus sailed to their island and reduced 
them to submission. It is probable that the revolt of Cyprus 
was but submission to Assyria. The Assyrian king sent an 
army against Tyre. He overran all Phoenicia, but having no 
means for attacking the island city, he made peace and with- 
drew. Doubtless he had impressed the Phoenician dependencies 
of Tyre by his military measures, and they had seen that they 
were powerless to resist his armies. Sidon, Palaetyrus, and 
many other cities delivered themselves into his hands. Tyre 
refused to submit. The Assyrian king appeared again in 
Phoenicia. The other Phoenician cities now furnished him a 
fleet of sixty ships and eight hundred men to row them. Tyre 
seems to have been taken by surprise. But twelve ships were 
available with which to oppose the large hostile fleet. The 
Tyrians sailed boldly into battle, scattered the ships of the 
enemy and took five hundred men prisoners. Because of this 
victory great honor came to the people of Tyre. Finding the 
capture of Tyre impossible, the king withdrew, leaving troops to 
besiege the city by cutting off the water supply. The city, 
though distressed, was not conquered. The people drank only 
such brackish water as they could obtain from the wells they 
dug, or the rain-water which they collected in cisterns. At 
the end of five years, the siege was given up, troubles elsewhere 
requiring the Assyrian forces.^ 

1 Vid. p. 25, note 7 above. 

*Vid. p. 33, note 1 above. 

»Vid. Menander as quoted by Josephus, Antiquities, IX, 14, Sect. 2. 
The accuracy of this account preserved by Josephus is open to serious question. 
Rogers thinks that this siege may have occurred under Sennacherib (History 
of Babylonia and Assyria, Vol. II, p. 146) . Max Mtiller considers it a confusion 
of several Assyrian attacks (Jewish Encyclopedia, s. v. Tyre). Vid. also 
Winckler: Altorientalische Forschungen, Zweite Reihe, I, p. 65. 


King Eluleus reigned thirty-six years (?), and- it appears that 
after Shalmanezer's unsuccessful attempt to crush him, he was 
unmolested by the Assyrian forces for about twenty years. 
During this period Tyre regained her ascendency over a large 
part of the Phoenician territory, including Sidon, Sarepta, 
Ecdippa, Acco, and other cities. Sargon, who held the scepter 
of Assyria from 721 to 705 B.C., turned all his marvelous powers 
elsewhere. In 703 B.C. a league to resist Assyria was formed in 
the west, under King Hezekiah of Judah. The league included 
Ammon, Moab, Edom, and the cities of Phoenicia. Padi, King 
of Ekron, who was loyal to Assyria, was captured and delivered 
to King Hezekiah. Sennacherib (704-682 B.C.), son and 
successor of Sargon, in the year 701 B.C. appeared with a large 
army on the coast of the Mediterranean and received the sub- 
mission of the Phoenician cities, except Tyre. Let Sennacherib 
himself tell the story : 

"In my third campaign I went to the land of Khatti: the fear of the 
splendor of my sovereignty overcame Lull (Eluleus), the King of the 
city of Sidon, and he fled to the sea, and I took his territory. Greater 
Sidon and Lesser Sidon, and Bit-Zith, and Seriptu (Sarepta), and Mak- 
hallibi, and Ushu,^ and Akzibi (Ecdippa), and Akku (Acco), his strong 
cities and his fortresses, his storehouses of food and drink, his strongholds 
were vanquished by the might of the arms of Ashur my lord, and I placed 
them in subjection at my feet. 1 set Tuba'lu (Ethbaal) upon the throne 
of sovereignty over them, and laid upon him a fixed amount of tribute 
which was to be paid yearly to my lordship. Menahem of Samaria, 
Tuba'lu of Sidon . . . brought me rich gifts and heavy loads of their 
possessions, and kissed my feet.' 

The omission of all reference to Tyre is suggestive, however the 
Assyrian is not giving an account of his failures, but of his 
successes. It would seem that when Eluleus found that he 
could not defend his continental possessions, he withdrew to 
his island capital.^ Then, when Sennacherib found that he 

1 Probably Palaetyrus. Vid. Winckler, Geschichte Isr., I, p. 201. 

2 Taylor Cylinder, Translation of E. Wallace Budge, History of Egypt, Vol. 
VI, p. 136. 

3 Vid. Rogers, Records of the Past, N. S., Vol. VI, p. 88, and Cuneiform 
Parallels, p. 340. Vid. also G. Smith, History of Sennacherib, p. 54, for 


could not crush Eluleus, he made Sidon the capital of Phoenicia, 
deposed Eluleus, whom he calls "King of Sidon," and appointed 
as governor the native prince Tuba'lu or Ethbaal. This political 
move would placate Sidon while stripping Tyre of much of her 
power. The account does not warrant the conclusion that 
Eluleus was crushed or that Tyre was taken, though the league 
for resistance was shattered, and Tyre seems to have made at 
least a nominal submission.^ 

There is no reason to believe that Tuba'lu proved an unfaith- 
ful vassal of his foreign master. 

Esarhaddon (680-668 B.C.) came to the throne of Assyria in 
680 B.C. The yoke of Assyria proved so galling that subject 
provinces frequently chose the unsettled period when a new 
king was establishing himself upon the throne, as a favorable 
opportunity to revolt. Abi-Milkut, who had probably suc- 
ceeded Ethbaal, was on the throne of Sidon. He formed an 
alliance with Sanduarri, King of Kundu and Sizu, and declared 
independence. Esarhaddon appeared at the head of an Assyrian 
army, and wrought vengeance on the city of Sidon. Abi-Milkut 
fled to the open sea for safety. Esarhaddon says : " Abi-Milkut, 
King of Sidon, from the face of my soldiers in the midst of the 
sea had fled: like a fish from the midst of the sea I caught him, 
and cut off his head."^ Sanduarri suffered the same fate; and 
the two heads were carried to Nineveh to be hung around the 
necks of certain of their great men taken as captives, and who 
with musicians and singers, were to grace the triumph of the 

It cannot be definitely settled whether the attack upon Tyre 
began during the siege of Sidon, or whether it was commenced 
during the subsequent march which the Assyrian armies made 

another account in the so-called Bull Inscriptions which states that Eluleus 
fled to Cyprus. 

1 Goodspeed, History of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 269; Rogers, Cuneiform 
Parallels, pp. 334-335; History of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 296-297; Winckler, 
History of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 256-257. 

^ Cf. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels, pp. 353-354. 

' Vid. Goodspeed, History of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 294; Rogers, 
Cuneiform Parallels, p. 350. Sizu (Sazu) =Palaetyrus. — Vid. p. 4 above. 


upon Egypt. ^ At least we know that it came within a short 
time, and the reason we can easily find in the need of immense 
treasure which Esarhaddon had to carry out his building schemes. 
The commerce of Tyre had brought the wealth of the nations to 
her. There were the great treasure houses. Esarhaddon would 
naturally turn his attention to Tyre as soon as possible. Baal 
was upon the throne, probably having succeeded Eluleus. The 
Tyrians could afford to purchase peace at a heavy price to pre- 
serve their commercial supremacy, but they were wise enough 
to know that no price would satisfy Esarhaddon while they 
retained their possessions and any measure of liberty. They 
therefore prepared for war. The Assyrian king laid siege to 
their city, but this was a work very different from that of be- 
sieging Sidon. Tyre was much better protected by her natural 
barriers. The Assyrian could occupy the mainland; he could 
capture Palaetyrus and cut off the city's usual water supply; 
he could attempt to fight the island dwellers with starvation. 
But the half mile of water in the channel was an effective barrier 
against assault, and the Assyrian army could not shut Tyre in 
from the open sea. And while the sea was open. Tyre, while 
harassed, could not be starved into submission. A long siege 
was successfully withstood and finally Esarhaddon withdrew 
without having accomplished his purpose. " It is true that upon 
one of his largest and most impressive monuments he pictures 

1 Rogers, in the History of Babylonia and Assyria, holds that the siege of 
Tyre probably began while the siege of Sidon was in progress. On the other 
hand, the authority of Winckler and Goodspeed is given to the view that the 
siege of Tyre was begun as Esarhaddon marched south to attack the Egyptians. 
The account of the siege of Sidon is given in Prism A, Column 1, of the records 
of this king, and there is there no mention made of Tyre. But in the tablet 
giving the account of the campaign against Egypt, which Rogers dates 670 
B.C., we read: "In my tenth campaign (Ashur gave me confidence) and I 
marched my troops to Magan and Melukhkha, and turned my face to the 
land of . . . which in the tongue of the people of Kush and Egypt is called. 
... In the course of my campaign I erected siege works against Ba'al, King 
of Tyre, who had trusted in Tarqu, King of Kush, his friend, and had shaken 
off the yoke of Ashur, my lord, and had expressed defiance of me, I cut off 
from him food and drink, the means of life." The account then proceeds with 
the campaign against Tarqu. Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels to the Old 
Testament, pp. 357-358. 


Baal of Tyre kneeling before his august majesty who holds him 
with a ring through his lips. On the inscription, however, there 
is not one word about the fall of Tyre, nor elsewhere in any of 
Esarh addon's records is there any claim that Tyre had been 
taken."^ The picture on the Zinjirli stela is, therefore, a 
representation of Esarhaddon's vanity rather than that of the 
real outcome of the siege of Tyre. 

Tyre maintained her independence until the death of Esar- 
haddon, B.C. 668. Asshurbanipal, his son, was his successor 
on the throne of Assyria. In his first year he marched against 
Egypt. On his way he received the submission of twenty-two 
kings who came and kissed his feet. Among these was Baal 
of Tyre.^ Asshurbanipal went into Egypt, completely defeated 
the Egyptian forces and reinstated the governors appointed by 
Esarhaddon, who had fled before Tirhakah. Shortly after this 
expedition against Egypt, some of these governors began to 
plot against the Assyrian authority. A second expedition into 
Egypt completely crushed the movement. It is probable that 
Baal was accused of having some part in this plot and so incurred 
the wrath of Asshurbanipal. His third campaign was directed 
against Tyre, 664 B.C. He says: 

"In my third expedition against Baal, King of Tyre, I . . . went; 
who my royal will disregarded and did not hear the words of my lips; 
towers round him I raised; on sea and land his roads I took; their spirits 
I humbled and caused to melt away; to my yoke I made them submissive. 
The daughter proceeding from his body and the daughters of his brothers 
for concubines he brought to my presence. Yahimelek, his son, the 
glory of the country, of unsurpassed renown, at once he sent forward, 
to make obeisance to me. His daughter and the daughters of his brothers 
with their great dowries I received. Favour I granted him, and the son 
proceeding from his body I restored and gave him."» 

Baal was conquered and Tyre was made submissive to 
Assyria. But neither the deposing of her king nor the loss of 
political liberty crushed the commerce of Tyre. And even the 

1 Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, Vol. II, p. 227. 

2 G. Smith, Records of the Past, O. S., Vol. I, pp. 62, 63. 
» George Smith, Records of the Past, O. S., Vol. I, p. 68. 


hard conditions of submission were more favorable for trade 
than the unsettled conditions of struggle. While armies of 
defence were to be maintained and hostile armies were ravaging 
the land, and caravans must do business in hostile territory in 
order to maintain the vast trade of the east, and merchandise 
could scarcely be obtained for export by sea — while these con- 
ditions of war existed, commerce mus|: have been very greatly 
injured. Submission to Assyria freed Tyre from military 
expenditure, insured the country against invasion and gave 
settled conditions and the protection of the "King of Asia" for 
the development of trade. To a commercial people these 
advantages more than balanced their cost in tribute and the loss 
of political independence. 

About the middle of the seventh century B.C. the Assyrian 
monarchy began to decline. The Tyrians must have known 
through their caravan traders that the Assyrian kingdom was 
tottering, and that the Median monarchy was gaining strength; 
that many provinces were withholding tribute and that there 
was no Assyrian sword to make collections any longer. As 
Assyria's cruelty had filled the world with hatred of her, so now 
her enervating luxury had filled the minds of distant peoples 
with anticipations of her fall. The Hebrew prophet Zephaniah 
wrote : 

"And he will stretch out his hand against the north and destroy 
Assyria; and he will make Nineveh a desolation, and dry like a wilderness. 
And flocks shall lie down in the midst of her, all the beasts of the nations; 
both the cormorant and the bittern shall lodge in the upper lintels of it; 
their voice shall sing in the windows; desolation shall be in the thresholds; 
for he shall uncover the cedar work. This is the rejoicing city that dwelt 
carelessly, that said in her heart, I am, and there is none beside me; how 
is she become a desolation, a place for beasts to lie down in! every one that 
passeth by her shall hiss, and wag his hand."^ 

With the relaxing of the Assyrian control, provinces found it 
necessary to protect themselves in time of danger. Independence 
of Assyria probably became a fact at Tyre before it was pro- 
claimed. It is certain that the merchant city would not pay 

1 Zephaniah, II, 13-15. 


tribute any longer than she felt compelled to do so. The exact 
date when Tyre threw off the allegiance to Assyria is not known; 
it was probably about 630 B.C. The period of independence 
lasted until about 585 B.C., and in this period the city rose to 
the summit of her greatness. Her commerce extended to the 
ends of the earth. A remarkable account of her conditions and 
activities is given by Ezekiel, who lived in this period. He says : 

"The word of Jehovah came again unto me, saying, And thou, son of 
man, take up a lamentation over Tyre; and say unto T3'^re, O thou that 
dwellest at the entry of the sea, and art the merchant of the peoples unto 
many isles, thus saith the Lord Jehovah; Thou, Tyre, hast said, I am 
perfect in beauty. Thy borders are in the heart of the seas; thy builders 
have perfected thy beauty. They have made all thy planks of fir-trees 
from Senir; they have taken a cedar from Lebanon to make a mast for 
thee. Of the oaks of Bashan have they made thine oars; they have made 
thy benches of ivory inlaid in boxwood from the isles of Kittim. Of 
fine linen with broidered work from Egypt was thy sail, that it might 
be to thee for an ensign; blue and purple from the isles of Elishah was 
thine awning. The inhabitants of Sidon and Arvad were thy rowers; 
thy wise men, Tyre, were in thee, they were thy pilots. The old men 
of Gebal and the wise men thereof were in thee, thy calkers; all the ships 
of the sea with their mariners were in thee to deal in thy merchandise. 
Persia and Lud and Put were in thine army, thy men of war; they hanged 
the shield and helmet in thee; they set forth thy comliness. The men 
of Arvad with thine army were upon thy walls round about, and valorous 
men were in thy towers; they hanged their shields upon thy walls round 
about: they have perfected thy beauty. 

"Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of all kinds of 
riches; with silver, iron, tin, and lead they traded for thy wares. Javan, 
Tubal and Meshech were thy traffickers; they traded the persons of 
men and vessels of brass for thy merchandise. They of the house of 
Togarmath traded for thy wares with horses and warhorses and mules. 
The men of Dedan were thy traffickers; many isles were the mart of thy 
hand; they brought thee in exchange horns of ivory and ebony. Syria 
was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of thy handy works; they 
traded for thy wares with emeralds, purple, and broidered work, and fine 
linen, and coral, and rubies. Judah, and the land of Israel, were thy 
traffickers: they traded for thy merchandise wheat of Minnith, and pan- 
nag, and honey, and oil and balm. Damascus was thy merchant for the 
multitude of thy handy works, by reason of the multitude of all kinds of 
riches, with the wines of Helbon and white wool. Vedan and Javan 


traded with yarn for thy wares; bright iron, cassia and calamus were 
among thy merchandise. Dedan was thy trafficker in precious cloths 
for riding. Arabia, and all the princes of Kedar, they were the merchants 
of thy hand; in lambs, and rams and goats, in these were they thy mer- 
chants. The traffickers of Sheba and Raamah, they were thy traffickers; 
they traded for thy wares with the chief of all spices, and with all precious 
stones, and with gold. Haran, and Canneh and Eden, the traffickers of 
Sheba, Asshur and Chilmad were thy traffickers. These were thy traf- 
fickers in choice wares, in wrappings of blue and broidered work, and 
with chests of rich apparel, bound with cords and made with cedar, among 
thy merchandise. The ships of Tarshish were thy caravans for thy 
merchandise; and thou wast replenished and made very glorious in the 
heart of the seas. 

"Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters; the east wind hath 
broken thee in the heart of the seas. Thy riches, and wares, thy mer- 
chandise, thy mariners and thy pilots, thy calkers, and the dealers in 
thy merchandise, and all thy men of war that are in thee, with all thy 
company which is in the midst of thee, shall fall into the heart of the seas 
in the day of thy ruin. At the sound of the cry of thy pilots the suburbs 
shall shake. And all that handle the oar, the mariners, and all the pilots 
of the sea, shall come down from their ships; they shall stand upon the 
land, and shall cause their voice to be heard over thee, and shall cry 
bitterly, and shall cast up dust upon their heads; they shall wallow 
themselves in the ashes; and they shall make themselves bald for thee, 
and gird them with sackcloth, and they shall weep for thee in bitterness 
of soul in bitter mourning. And in their waiUng they shall take up a 
lamentation over thee, and lament over thee, saying. Who is there like 
Tyre, like her that is brought to silence in the midst of the sea? With 
thy wares sent forth out of the seas, thou filledst many peoples; thou 
didst enrich the kings of the earth with the multitude of thy riches and 
of thy merchandise. In the time that thou wast broken by the seas in 
the depths of the waters, thy merchandise and all of thy company did fail 
in the midst of thee. All the inhabitants of the isles are astonished at 
thee, and their kings are horribly afraid; they are troubled in their 
countenance. The merchants among the peoples hiss at thee; thou art 
become a terror, and thou shalt nevermore have any being."^ 

Tyre was the cosmopolitan city of the world, and the Hebrew 
prophet saw her as a treasure-ship soon to be wrecked in storms. 
1 Ezekiel, XXVII. 


tyke's resistance to BABYLON 

Tyre threw off the Assyrian yoke in about 630 B.C. For 
many centuries Syria was the buffer territory between the 
peoples of the Euphrates and those of the Nile. Now that 
Assyria's power was broken, Egypt coveted possession of the 
territory. Necho II, son of Psamatik I, shortly after ascending 
the throne of Egypt, made an expedition into Syria in 608 B.C. 
and brought the whole territory as far east as Carchemish on 
the Euphrates, under Egyptian control. Doubtless Tyre 
became tributary, retaining her autonomy and securing con- 
ditions favorable to her trade. But in 605 B.C., Nabopolassar, 
King of Babylon, having overthrown Assyria, sent his son 
Nebuchadrezzar, to recover from Egypt the territory over 
which Assyria had ruled. He met Necho at Carchemish, and a 
great battle was fought,^ the Egyptians being defeated and put 
to rout. Nebuchadrezzar marched through Syria and received 
the submission of the whole country. His progress was a tri- 
umphal march. Tyre,^ with the other Phoenician cities, ac- 
knowledged the sovereignty of Babylon, retaining her own 
ruler and enjoying semi-independence under tribute. Nebuchad- 
rezzar had progressed to the very borders of Egypt when news 
of his father's death called him to hasten back to Babylon with 
all possible speed. 

Although all Syria had acknowledged submission to the new 
Babylonian kingdom, order had not been restored, and con- 
fidence in Babylonian supremacy in that territory, over Egypt, 
had not been established. The unsettled political conditions, 

1 Vid. Jer., XLVI, and II Kings, XXIV, 1. 

^ Jeremiah's allusion (XXV, 22) in 604 B.C., to the approaching downfall 
of the kings of Tyre and Sidon and the coastland beyond the sea, i. e., Phoenic- 
ian settlements in the Mediterranean, seems to imply that the Phoenician 
cities recovered some measure of independence. 



and petty warfares between tribes and peoples were extremely 
depressive for Tyre's land commerce upon which her trade by 
sea so largely depended. And where Babylonian ascendency 
was fully established, much of the trade that had belonged to 
Tyre in the immediate past was now falling to Babylon. Jeru- 
salem under Jehoiakim raised the standard of revolt and suffered 
severe punishment at the hand of Nebuchadrezzar, B.C. 597.^ 
The encroachment of Babylonia meant the loss of liberty, and 
seemed to mean the loss of prosperity for Tyre, unless it could 
be resisted. 

In this situation Egypt offered help. Pharaoh-Hophra 
(Apries) came to the Egyptian throne in 589 B.C. and was eager 
to regain control in the affairs of Syria and Palestine. The 
frequent policy of Egypt under such circumstances was to incite 
revolt in this border territory. A messenger from the king of 
Tyre met with messengers from the kings of Sidon, Edom, 
Moab, and Ammon at Jerusalem, to persuade Zedekiah^ to join 
in the united revolt. To these messengers the prophet Jeremiah 
gave a message which,^ if heeded, would have saved Tyre from 
one of the greatest calamities of her history. It was a message 
of submission, showing the folly and inevitable disaster of revolt. 
But Egypt could be counted on ; the coalition looked very strong. 
It appealed to a blind patriotism which finally over-rode the 
sane councils of Jeremiah and those who stood with him. The 
revolt was proclaimed. Nebuchadrezzar, at the head of a 
large army, advanced as far as Riblah on the Orontes. A divi- 
sion of the army was sent against Jerusalem and the city be- 
sieged.^ Hophra, with an Egyptian army, made a demon- 
stration against the Assyrians that necessitated a temporary 
lifting of the siege, but hope soon fled, for the Egyptians with- 

1 II Kings, XXIV, 1-4. 

2 Read Zedekiah for Jehoiakim in Jer., XXVII, 3, 12, or omit verse 1, 
following the LXX. 
» Jeremiah, XXVII. 
* II Kings, XXIV, 10. 
' Jeremiah, XXXVII, 7. 


Josephus^ says that the Egyptian army under Hophra was 
defeated by the Babylonians, but Jeremiah, who seems to be 
his authority, does not speak of any battle. Diodorus says of 
Hophra: "He invaded with mighty force Cyprus and Phoenicia, 
and took Sidon by storm; and through fear and terror of him 
brought other cities of Phoenicia into subjection. And having 
routed the Cyprians and Phoenicians in a great sea fight, he 
returned into Egypt loaded with the spoils of his enemies."^ 
And Herodotus says of him: "He made war on Sidon and fought 
with the people of Tyre by the sea."^ 

We must remember that the military world powers were 
Babylon and Egypt, and that they looked upon the smaller 
states as the lawful prizes of their contests. While the Egyp- 
tian army was occupied elsewhere, Jerusalem was reinvested and 
the siege pressed with all possible vigor. The city fell in 586 
B.C.^ Nebuchadrezzar now turned to the task of taking Tyre. 
Ethbaal H was then king of the city; he prepared for war. The 
following is Ezekiel's prediction of the siege, in which Tyre for 
thirteen years, 585-572 B.C.,^ withstood the force of Babylonian 

"Behold I will bring upon Tyre Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon, 
king of kings, from the north, with horses, and with chariots, and with 
horsemen, and with a company, and with much people. He shall slay 
with the sword thy daughters in the field; and he shall make forts against 
thee, and cast up a mound against thee, and raise up the buckler against 
thee. And he shall set his battering engines against thy walls, and with 
his axes he shall break down thy towers. By reason of the abundance of 
his horses their dust shall cover thee; thy walls shall shake at the noise 

1 Antiquities, X, 7 and 3. 

2 Diodorus, I, 69. 

^ Herodotus, II, 161. 

4 II Kings, XXIV, 10-20. 

^ Josephus, Against Apion, I, 21, says: "On the 7th year of the reign 
of Nebuchadrezzar he began to besiege TjTe," but this clearly is wrong. 
The additions of Josephus show that we ought to read the 20th for the 7th. 
Jer., XXVII, indicates that the siege of Tyre had not begun in the first year 
of the reign of Zedekiah; while Ezekiel, XXVI, clearly shows that Tyre had 
not yet fallen in the eleventh year of the Captivity. Vid. Kenrick, Phoenicia, 
p. 386, and Hengstenberg, De Rebus Tyriorum, pp. 38-42. 


of the horsemen and of the wagons and of the chariots, when he shall enter 
into thy gates as men entering into a city where a breach is made. With 
the hoofs of his horses shall he tread down all thy streets: he shall slay 
thy people with the sword, and the pillars of thy strength shall go down 
to the ground. And they shall make a spoil of thy riches and a prey 
of thy merchandise; and they shall lay thy stones and thy timber and 
thy dust in the midst of the waters. And I will cause the noise of thy 
songs to cease and the sound of thy harps shall be no more heard. And 
I will make thee a bare rock; and thou shalt be a place for the spreading 
of nets: thou shalt be built no more."^ "Thy riches and thy wares, 
thy merchandise, and thy mariners, and thy pilots, calkers, and the 
dealers in thy merchandise, and all thy men of war that are in thee, and 
all thy company that is in the midst of thee, shall fall into the heart of the 
seas in the day of thy ruin."^ 

A large part of this description must have related to Mainland 

Means effective on the mainland could not be employed 
against the city in the sea. Jerome, almost a thousand years 
later, suggests^ that Nebuchadrezzar may have constructed a 
mole from the mainland to the island in order to attack the city. 
But if such a mole had been constructed, it would have grown 
with the washup of the sands, as Alexander's mole has done. It 
certainly would have been no great task for Alexander to con- 
struct his mole. These facts, with the silence of a thousand 
years, leave no reasonable probability that the mole was con- 
structed before Alexander's time. 

Josephus quotes Philostratus as saying of Nebuchadrezzar: 
" This king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the same time 
Ethbaal was king of Tyre."^ Tyre occupied a position of 
dependency in the period immediately following. This is indi- 
cated by a contract tablet dated in Tyre "Month Tammuz, 
day 22nd, year 49th. Nebuchadrezzar, King of Babylon."^ 
History has left us no account of the surrender of the city. 
There is no reason to believe that it was taken by assault. 

1 Ezekiel, XXVI, 7-14. 

2 Ezekiel, XXVII, 27. 

3 Commentary on Ezekiel, XXVI, 15-18. 

< Josephus, Antiquities, X, 2, 91; Against Apion, I, 21. 

» Pinches, in Records of the Past, N. S., Vol. V, pp. 99, 100. 


Many of the people, with much of the treasure of Palaetyrus, 
doubtless escaped by sea before that part of the city fell. The 
island city probably made submission upon conditions, without 
receiving the hostile army within her walls. The capture of the 
city was far different from the prophecy of it according to the 
prophet Ezekiel himself: "Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon 
caused his army to serve a great service against Tyre: every 
head was made bald" (with continuous wearing of the helmet) 
"and every shoulder was worn" (with carrying weapons), "yet 
had he no wages, nor his army, from Tyre, for the service that he 
had served against it."^ The siege probably ended with the 
nominal submission of the city and the surrender of a number of 
her nobles. It is a suggestive fact that Ethbaal's life ended 
with the ending of the siege.^ However, he was followed on the 
throne by Baal,^ a native prince, probably his son. Tyre's 
submission was farther shown, as we shall see, from the fact that 
she selected her kings from the nobles whom she was compelled 
to send as hostages to Babylon. Her commerce was ruined by 
the long siege; Phoenician leadership passed for a time to Sidon. 
Palaetyrus remained in ruins until the time of Alexander. 

In Tyrian history a period of great depression follows the 
siege of Nebuchadrezzar. After Baal, successor to Ethbaal, 
had reigned ten years, 572-562 B.C., there was a revolution; 
and a government by (D"^C0D5-^) Judges, as at Carthage, was 
adopted.^ Ecnibaal (^^D'^^p), son of Baslach {nb\t;bv'2), 
was the first of the judges and held office but two months.^ 

Chelbes (D^nib^D]), son of Abdeus {[b^'2\l'2V) > was his suc- 
cessor and ruled ten months.^ Abbar (l^n), the high priest, as 
the third of the judges, maintained himself but three months before 
being recalled.^ Matgen (JHTO) and Gerastart (ninSi^i^""^), 

1 Ezekiel, XXIX, 18-19. 

''Vid. Hengstenberg, De Rebus Tyriorum, pp. 42-43; and Josephus, 
Against Apion, I, 21. 

' Josephus, Against Apion, I, 21. 
* Ibid. 
» Ibid. 
« Ibid. 
' Ibid. 


sons of Abdelem (D^/'^^"!^^^), then served as joint judges for 
six years.^ Belator Cnni?"/'^^) ruled one year as king. After 
the death of Belator the royal party came into full control again.^ 
They sent to Babylon requesting that Merbaal O^^ IHO), 
who had been detained there among the hostages for the 
loyalty of Tyre, be allowed to return home to be their king. 
The request was granted, and Merbaal reigned four years.^ 
After his death they sent again to Babylon for Hiram, brother 
of Merbaal, and he reigned in Tyre twenty years .^ 

In the fourteenth year of the reign of Hiram, Cyrus captured 
Babylon (538 B.C.) and the monarchy passed under the control 
of the Persians.^ Thus began a new chapter in the history of 

1 Josephus, Against Apion, I, 21. 

2 Ibid. 
» Ibid. 
5 Ibid. 



In the period following Nebuchadrezzar's thirteen-year siege, 
supremacy among the Phoenician cities passed from Tyre 
to her ancient rival, Sidon. Tyre's commerce was ruined 
during the siege. Doubtless many of the masters of her in- 
dustries escaped with their possessions and transferred their 
activities to other cities. The military cost of the defense must 
have been ruinous. It is not strange that many years passed 
before the city recovered her strength. 

However Tyre had little to complain of under the Babylonian 
rulers who succeeded Nebuchadrezzar, and as appears from the 
records of the Persian period, she recovered much of her former 

When Babylon fell before Cyrus in 538 B.C., the con- 
queror laid claim to all the domain that had formerly belonged 
to the Babylonians. Assuming sovereignty over Phoenicia, he 
granted the Jews a concession^ of Phoenician timber which was 
to be cut in Lebanon and taken by sea to Joppa for them by 
men of "Sidon and Tyre."^ There was no reason for the Phoe- 
nician cities to resent the grant; on the contrary, commercial 
incentives must have led them to desire the renewal of the 
ancient friendship which they had had with Israel, and to wish 
the good will of the new Persian Empire. Moreover they were 
to be well paid for their services. That the Phoenician cities 

1 Ezra, III, 7. 

^ This order of naming these cities, characteristic of th's period, bears 
witness that the preeminence had passed to Sidon. When Darius pre- 
pared for war against Greece, his spies set out from Sidon. — Herod., Ill, 
136. The Phoenician ships were the best in his fleet, and the Sidonians 
the best among the Phoenicians. — Herod., VI, 98. When Darius visited his 
fleet and the sovereigns of nations and captains of the ships sat with him, 
"in the first seat sat the king of Sidon; after him the king of Tyre; then the 
rest in their order." — Herod., VIII, 67. 



claimed the rank of allies rather than vassals, is clear from 
events in the reign of Cambyses. 

Cambyses, coming to the Persian throne in 529 B.C., resolved 
upon an expedition against Egypt. In this campaign the co- 
operation of the Phoenician cities, possessing as they did the 
finest naval equipment in the world, was of very great importance. 
Whether such cooperation was secured by promises or threats, 
we are not told; certainly violence was not used, for the historian 
relates that they joined the fleet voluntarily.^ 

Justin gives us an account of an insurrection of the slaves at 
Tyre, which he places in this period. He says that the slaves 
formed a conspiracy at a time when their masters were weakened 
by long defensive fighting against the Persians. The slaves having 
slain their masters and the free citizens, seized the government. 
However, one moved by pity secluded the son of his master and 
saved his life. At a later time it was decided that the man 
should be crowned king over them, who first saw the sunlight 
on a certain morning. At the appointed place, while others 
gazed eastward for the first gleam of sunlight, this young man 
gazed westward upon the roofs of the tallest buildings of the 
city, and so won his crown. His name was Strato (HiriCi^i^) ; and 
his son and then his grandson ruled after him.^ We have no 
other record of this. It clearly does not fit into the historical 
situation to which Justin assigns it. If taken seriously at all, 
it must be referred to some one of the sieges earlier than the 
Persian time. 

Cambyses made himself master of Egypt but did not turn 
back to Babylon as might have been expected. Bent upon 
extending his conquests still further, he commanded the Phoe- 
nicians to join in an expedition against Carthage.^ The incident 
is vital to this story because Carthage was the noblest daughter 
of Tyre, and if the order had been obeyed, no one can measure 
what the effect upon human history would have been. The 

1 Herodotus, III, 19. 

2 Justin, XVIII, 3. 

' Vid. Herodotus, III, 19. 


Phoenicians refused to obey the order of Cambyses, saying that 
they were bound to the Carthaginians by solemn oaths, and that 
it would be a wicked act to make war upon their own children. 
The courage of this answer may be measured when one remem- 
bers the character of Cambyses and the power of Persia; but the 
value that Cambyses set upon Phoenician good will is shown 
by the fact that he honored their answer and rescinded the 
obnoxious order. 

Tyre must have been. benefited commercially by the increased 
facilities for land communication afforded by the fast post- 
routes/ and the introduction of a uniform metallic currency 
throughout the Persian Empire.^ 

Under Darius the empire was divided into twenty satrapies. 
Tyre was in the fifth satrapy, which was composed of all Phoe- 
nicia, Palestine, Syria and Cyprus. The tribute of this satrapy 
was fixed at 350 talents.^ The Phoenician cities enjoyed a large 
amount of autonomy and retained their native kings.^ They 
also met in annual council at Tripolis, usually without inter- 
ference from the Persians.^ 

After the part that Tyre took in the Egyptian expedition, she 
was not called upon to bear arms for the Persians until 498 B.C., 
when the Greeks of Asia revolted. Cyprus, where the Greek 
population outnumbered the Phoenician, joined the revolt. 
Phoenicia furnished the fleet for Darius. A double battle was 
fought near Salamis, and, though the Ionian Greeks defeated 
the Phoenicians at sea, according to the Greek account, the 
Persian land forces gained so complete a victory that the Ionian 
fleet withdrew and the Persians were left masters of the situation.^ 

Darius proceeded from the conquest of Cyprus to attack the 
Ionian cities. A naval force of 600 vessels was assembled near 
Miletus, the city of Aristagorus, author of the Ionian revolt. 

1 Vid. Esther, VIII, 9-10. 

^ Vid. Rawlinson, in his Herodotus, I, 709, and IV, 30 note. 

» Herodotus, III, 89-91. 

* Ibid., VIII, 67. 

6 Diodorus, XVI, 41. 

8 Vid. Herodotus, V, 104-116. 


In this fleet the Phoenicians were most zealous.^ In the naval 
battle, 494 B.C., near the island of Lade opposite Miletus, they 
defeated the lonians,^ and the conquest of Miletus soon followed. 
The Phoenician fleet was used by the Persians in the conquest 
of the islands of the Aegean and of various cities on the European 
shore. Miltiades, afterwards hero of Marathon, narrowly 
escaped capture by one of their vessels and his son Metiochus 
was captured.^ 

It may be safely assumed that the Phoenician cities furnished 
a large proportion of the fleets with which Mardonius in 492 B.C., 
and Datis and Artaphernes in 490 B.C. made their expeditions 
against Greece. When in 485 B.C. Xerxes determined to 
attempt the conquest of Greece, Phoenicia again supported 
Persian arms. 

A ship-canal was to be cut through the isthmus that joins 
Mt. Athos to the mainland. The Phoenicians made their 
portion of the cutting twice as wide at the top as was required 
at the bottom. They " showed in this the skill which they were 
wont to exhibit in all their undertakings."^ With the Egyptians 
they constructed the pontoon bridge across the Hellespont by 
which the armies of Xerxes marched from Asia into Europe.^ 

At the Battle of Artimisium they distinguished themselves 
less than the Egyptians,^ but at Salamis they were stationed 
over against the Athenians. How large a part Tyre had in the 
naval forces of Xerxes is not known, but of his twelve hundred 
and seven ships, Phoenicia furnished three hundred;^ and Tyre's 
importance among the allies of Xerxes was second only to that 
of Sidon.^ Among the most renowned of those who sailed was 
Mapen, son of Sirom (Hiram) the Tyrian.^ 

A combat between a Phoenician and an Athenian ship brought 
on the general engagement at Salamis. The Phoenicians bore 
an honorable part in the battle, but fell under the displeasure 
of Xerxes. In the confusion of the ships, crowded in the narrow 

1 Herodotus, VI, 6. » Ibid., VIII, 67. 

2 Ibid., VI, 14. ■ « Ibid., VIII, 17, 5. 

3 Ibid., VI, 41. 7 Ibid., VII, 89. 
* Ibid., VII, 23. « Ibid., VII, 34. 
» Ibid., VII, 98. 


strait, they ran foul of each other; several Phoenician ships were 
sunk by the lonians; the Phoenicians protested against this as 
an act of treachery, to Xerxes who was looking down upon the 
battle. While the protest was being made the king beheld an 
unusual display of valor on the part of a Greek vessel which 
was in the Persian service. This incident turned the wrath of 
Xerxes, enraged by defeat, upon the heads of the Phoenicians. 
He charged them with imputing their own cowardice to the 
lonians, and ordered a number of their oflficers beheaded. The 
others, moved by resentment and fears of further outrage, 
withdrew at nightfall to the Attic shore and thence sailed away 
to Asia.^ Their transports remained and were employed in the 
construction of the bridge to Salamis by which Xerxes sought 
to conceal his purpose of flight,^ but for fifteen years we read 
of no Phoenician navy in Persian service, though the war with 
Greece continued. Not until 465 B.C., when the victorious 
Athenians threatened the island of Cyprus, did Phoenicia employ 
her naval force in Persian service.^ In the next three-quarters 
of a century the Phoenician cities seem to have been loyal in 
their submission to Persia. Their forces had prominent part 
in the numerous Persian wars.^ 

Tyre was involved in the war which arose in 392 B.C. between 
the Persians and Evagorus of Cyprus. This prince had over- 
thrown the rule of the Cypriot Phoenicians and had put to death 
the reigning despot, Abdemon, the Tyrian, who was friendly to 
Persia.^ The power of Persia was waning. Athens sent a fleet 
for the support of Evagorus. Acoris, king of Egypt, sent aid. 
Several states must have been in secret sympathy with him. 
He took Tyre by assault, according to Isocrates,^ which probably 
means that Tyre voluntarily surrendered. The city supplied 
him with twenty triremes.^ But the peace of Antalcidas, 387 
B.C., deprived him of the aid of Athens, and after ten years of 
revolt he was compelled to submit to Persia again, but allowed 

1 Diodorus, XI, 19. ^ Ibid., XIV, 98. 

2 Herodotus, VIII, 97. » Isocrates, II, 101. 
* Diodorus, XI, 60. ^ Diodorus, XV, 2. 
« Ibid., XI, 62; XII, 3, XIII, 38, XIV, 83. 


to retain his crown. With the submission of Evagorus, Tyre 
became again subject to the Persians also, but the ties which 
bound the Phoenician cities to the Persian Empire were weak- 

The successful revolt of Egypt, and the general dissatisfaction 
of the states of the west^ led in 362 B.C. to the War of the 
Satraps. Phoenicia participated in the revolt. Tachos, King of 
Egypt, was welcomed by the Phoenician cities, but disaffection 
among hjs own subjects compelled him to abandon the move- 
ment, and the rebellion of the satrapies was subdued. Tyre 
was still under the Persian yoke.^ 

The satrap of Ochus treated the Phoenicians with great inso- 
lence, and as a result, at a general assembly of the Phoenician 
cities held at Tripolis, 352 B.C., independence was declared. 
The Persian officers at Sidon were killed, the royal residence 
was destroyed, preparations for war were made and an alliance 
with Egypt was effected. Egypt sent four thousand Greek 
mercenaries under Mentor. Two satraps, Belesys of Syria and 
Mazaeus of Cilicia, who were sent to subdue the rebellion, were 
defeated in battle. Meanwhile Cyprus again revolted. Ochus 
collected an army of three hundred and forty thousand men, 
arranged for vast naval support,^ and set out in person for 
Phoenicia. Tennes, King of Sidon, sought to purchase personal 
safety at the price of the betrayal of his city. The Sidonians 
resolved to die rather than fall into the hands of Ochus. Each 
citizen shut himself with his family in his own home and then 
applying the torch consumed himself and his family with his 
dwelling. More than forty thousand persons are said to have 
perished in the conflagration.^ 

Persia under Ochus showed unusual strength. Tyre and the 
other Phoenician cities, resumed submission to the Persian 
crown. They enjoyed peace from 351 to 333 B.C. Sidon was 
rebuilt. Tyre doubtless profited in a commercial way from 
the disaster of Sidon, much as Sidon had profited from Tyre's 
disastrous siege under Nebuchadrezzar. 

1 Diodorus, XV, 41 ff. ^ Ibid., XVI, 40. 

2 Ibid., XV, 90 ff. * Ibid., XVI, 41-45. 



During the eighteen years of quietness that Tyre enjoyed 
after the struggle for independence in 352 B.C., the power of 
Persia was waning, and that of Greece was increasing. In 336 
B.C. Alexander the Great came to the throne of Macedonia. 
He made himself master of Greece and soon prepared to invade 
Asia. The victory (334 B.C.)^ at the Granicus River gave him 
possession of Asia Minor; and that near the city of Issus resulted 
in the withdrawal of Darius beyond the Euphrates.^ Alexander 
did not at once pursue Darius. The navies of Cyprus, Phoenicia, 
and Egypt were still in Persian service. The conqueror deemed 
it wise to detach these before pushing his conquest further into 
the empire. He therefore turned south into Phoenicia. The 
Phoenician cities took no concerted action; they may have 
expected him to pursue Darius, and so may have been taken by 
surprise. Their forces were serving in the Persian navy, but 
were not hindering the Macedonian, whose campaign was a land 
campaign. The memory of the cruelties of Ochus were still 
fresh. Little opposition to Alexander was to be expected. 
Starto, son of Gerastartus, King of Aradus, met Alexander and 
presented him a golden crown and the submission of his pos- 
sessions. Sidon welcomed the conqueror most gladly. Her 
king, Starto, was serving in the Persian navy and was suspected 
of preference for Persia. He was deposed, and at the choice of He- 
phaeston, the throne was given to Abdalonymus (D^^"Pi7"nDi7), 
who was an obscure member of the royal family, so poor that he 
followed the occupation of a gardener.* 

^ It is not unlikely that Zech., IX, 2-4, refers to this siege. 
2 Diodorus, XVII, 19 ff. 
» Ibid., XVII, 33-39. 

<Curtius, IV, 1; Justin, XI, 10. Diodorus, XVII, 46, 47, transfers this 
story to Tyre. 



Azemilcus (TI/'D"li7), King of Tyre, like the other Phoenician 
rulers, was serving in the Persian fleet; but an embassy, headed 
by his son, met Alexander and presented him a crown of 
gold, with other rich gifts, and declared formally to him the 
submission of Tyre.^ The Tyrians probably thought that 
Alexander would be content with their nominal submission, and 
would press on into Egypt. But there were reasons why he 
must completely possess Tyre. She was now at the head of 
the Phoenician cities. Her position would decide whether the 
Phoenician fleet would continue under the flag of Persia or not. 
While there was any question as to his control here, there must 
be danger that a hostile fleet would carry the war to Greece and 
necessitate his hasty return.^ He commended their good-will 
and bade them announce to their government that he would 
shortly enter their city to offer sacrifices to Heracles. The 
Greeks had identified Heracles with Melkart, and as Alexander 
claimed to be a descendant of Heracles, there may have been 
some sincerity in his word. But the Tyrians saw that he pur- 
posed permanently to occupy their city, and were not prepared 
to surrender themselves so completely into his power. After 
dehberation they sent word that in all else they would do his 
will, but that they would not admit within the wall of the 
island city either Persians or Macedonians,^ — that if the king 
wished to sacrifice to Heracles, he might do so in the temple of 
Melkart in Palaetyrus on the mainland, which temple they 
said was older than that of the island city. Upon receiving this 
reply, Alexander was violently angry. He dismissed the messen- 
gers with the threat that if they would not open their gates to 
him, he would break their gates down. The threat of the 
conqueror did not overawe the Tyrians. They could expect the 
hostile armies of Babylon soon to engage Alexander's attention. 
Alexander had no fleet with which to attack them. In the event 
of a siege the Persian fleet, in which their own vessels were 
serving, might be counted on for help. At least their own fleet 

1 Arrian, II, 15. Curtius, IV, 2. 

2 Vid. Arrian, II, 17. 
^ Arrian, II, 16. 


under the leadership of Azemilcus, could be recalled. There 
was no reason to believe that the ships of other Phoenician cities 
would show any great enthusiasm in attacking their kinsfolk. 
Egypt which was next to be invaded would have weighty reasons 
for aiding Tyre. An embassy from Carthage, being at Tyre 
at the time of Alexander's demand, counseled resistance and 
promised that the squadrons of Carthage would soon come to 
the city's assistance.^ In former times the city had shown her- 
self well nigh impregnable. That Alexander's method of attack 
was not anticipated is not strange, for there was no precedent 
for it in the annals of warfare. The walls which surrounded the city 
rose to the height of a hundred and fifty feet on the side toward the 
mainland. Their stones were of such a size and so well laid as 
to be secure against any engines of attack that could be operated 
from the unsteady surface of the water. Successful assault was 
impossible unless engines of war could be planted on firm ground 
and brought to the height of the wall. But the island was 
separated from the mainland by a channel a half mile wide, 
through which the current ran very swiftly and which, especially 
when the south wind blew, was dangerous for shipping.^ The 
Tyrians, therefore, seeming to have little to fear, remained firm. 

Alexander began the siege. He seized Palaetyrus^ which was 
in great part in ruins or deserted of its inhabitants, but for a 
time was not able to strike a blow at Tyre. Meanwhile Tyre was 
assembling her fleet, setting up engines for throwing missiles 
from the walls at any vessel that might approach, arming her 
citizens, and preparing for attack or siege.^ 

Alexander resolved to construct a mole two hundred feet wide 
out to the island, upon which he could plant engines of war, 
and to press the siege. The ruins of Palaetyrus furnished 
abundance of stone. ^ Wood could be secured in Lebanon 
nearby.^ The people of the neighboring towns were pressed 
into service.^ The Tyrian troops intercepted parties who were 

1 Curtius, IV, 2. * Curtius, IV, 2. 

2 Curtius, IV, 2. « Diodorus, VII, 40. 

3 Diodorus, XVII, 40. « Curtius, IV, 2. 
' Diodorus, XVII, 49. 


bringing in stone, and the Arabs of the Syrian desert attacked 
the Macedonian wood-cutters in Lebanon.^ The Tyrians ridi- 
culed Alexander, asking him if he thought he would overcome 
Poseidon.^ Still the work progressed. Near the shore piles 
were driven with ease into the mud bottom,^ but nearer the 
island the water became deeper. There the current through 
the channel worked its way through the interstices of the mole, 
washing out the work. Archers and slingers in the Tyrian 
vessels harassed the workmen on the mole,* and Alexander, 
having no fleet, was powerless to prevent their near approach. 
As the work drew near to the city walls, the workmen were 
exposed to the missiles hurled from above. The Greeks met 
these difficulties by the erection of two lofty wooden towers on 
the extremity of the mole from which to assail the ships and 
the warriors on the wall. They protected the workmen from 
fiery darts and other missiles by suspending sails or hides. ^ 
The Tyrians then fitted up a large horse-transport as a fire-ship.^ 
They stored the hold with combustible materials. On the 
prow were two masts, each with a projecting arm from which 
was suspended a cauldron filled with bitumen, sulphur, and 
other highly inflammable materials. The stern of the vessel was 
loaded with stone and sand, and was thus depressed. In this 
way the prow was elevated in order that it might glide over the 
mole and reach the towers. On the fore part of the vessel were 
piled pitch, sulphur, and other combustible materials. When the 
wind favored them, they ran the fire-ship at full speed upon the 
mole, setting torch to the fuels as they drew near. The crew 
escaped by small boats or by swimming. The effort was entirely 
successful. The cauldrons scattered their fiery mass over the 
mole. Tyrian soldiers in ships just outside the reach of the 
conflagration drove back all who attempted to extinguish the 

1 Curtius, IV, 2. 

2 Diodorus, XVII, 41. 

3 Arrian, II, 18. 

* Diodorus, XVII, 42; Curtius, IV, 2. 

B Vid. Arrian, II, 18. 

6 Vid. Arrian, II, 19; Diodorus, XVII, 41; Curtius, IV, 3. 


flames. The towers were soon ablaze; their defenders either 
perished in the flames, or leaping into the sea, were made prisoners 
by the Tyrians, who bruised their hands with stones or clubs 
so that they were unable to swim away. Tyrians in small boats 
set fire to the machines which the flames from the ship had not 
reached. They pulled up the stakes that protected the face of 
the mole, and the heavy sea that accompanied the wind swept 
the whole work away. 

Alexander ordered a new mole to be constructed. It was to 
be wider than the first^ and so was to have space for more ma- 
chines. It was to incline to the southwest instead of crossing 
the strait in a direct line,^ and so would not expose a full side 
to the storm. The work was pressed with greater vigor than 
before. Whole trees with branches were drawn into the water 
and upon them stones and dirt were placed. But Tyrian divers, 
plunging into the water at some distance from the work, ap- 
proached and attached hooks to the projecting boughs. The 
trees were then dragged out, bringing down with them large 
portions of the work.^ 

It became evident to Alexander that if Tyre were to be con- 
quered, her fleet must be defeated or at least kept at bay. He 
therefore went to Sidon to collect ships. The squadrons of 
Sidon, Aradus and Byblus had withdrawn from the Persian service 
on hearing that Alexander was master of these cities, and just at 
this critical time they entered the harbor at Sidon.^ Alexander 
succeeded in enlisting these squadrons against Tyre and thus 
secured eighty ships. Soon afterwards there joined him ten 
ships from Rhodes, ten from Lycia, three from Soli and Malus, 
and a penteconter from Macedonia. Then the kings of Cyprus, 
having heard of the defeat of Darius and Alexander's mastery 
over Phoenicia, placed at the order of the conqueror their 
combined fleets of a hundred and twenty ships. 

While these vessels were being put in order for battle, Alex- 
ander with cavalry and light troops made an eleven days' 

1 Vid. Arrian, II, 19. » Ibid., IV, 3. 

2 Vid. Curtius, IV, 3. * Vid. Arrian, II, 20. 


campaign against the Arabs who had been hindering the work 
of the woodmen in Lebanon. The Arabs were repelled and 
peace was made with the inhabitants of the regions. 

Returning to Sidon, Alexander found that Cleander had 
arrived with three thousand Greek mercenaries. Alexander 
manned his ships with his bravest soldiers, purposing if possible 
to fight hand to hand on the decks. Assuming leadership of 
the right wing himself, he moved toward Tyre with his ships in 
order of battle. The fleet halted outside the Sidonian harbor. 

The Tyrians had not known of the naval accessions that had 
come to the enemy; they were dismayed upon beholding the 
great fleet moving down upon them. They did not care to join 
battle with the allied fleets. Instead they blocked the mouths 
of their harbors with their ships,^ and began to prepare for the 
worst by sending away to Carthage such of their wives, children, 
and old men as could not render service in the defense of their 
city.2 . 

As the Tyrian fleet did not come out to battle, Alexander moved 
against the city. He found it impossible to enter the harbor, 
but engaged and sank three of the outermost triremes.^ He 
then anchored under the lee of the mole which had again ad- 
vanced toward the city's walls. The next day the Cyprian fleet 
was stationed off the Sidonian harbor, while the Phoenician stood 
off the Egyptian entrance, near to that part of the mole where 
Alexander's own tent was pitched.^ The workmen on the mole, 
now amply protected, quickly brought it up to the city wall. 
The towers were brought up to the wall and were armed with 
many engines. Other engines were made by Cyprians and 
Phoenicians,^ and mounted on the horse-transports and the 
heavier class of triremes, and with these the walls north and 
south of the mole were assailed, while the main attack was made 
from the mole itself. When the ships sought to approach the 
walls with their battering rams, they found that the Tyrians 
had thrown large blocks of stone into the sea, by which they were 

1 Arrian II, 20. » Curtius, IV, 3. 

2 Diodorus, XVII, 41. * Arrian, II, 29. 
« Arrian, II, 21. 


kept out of reach. The Macedonians sought to raise these 
stones, but the unsteadiness of their ships afforded poor purchase. 
They attempted to anchor their ships; but the Tyrians, ap- 
proaching in small vessels covered to ward off missiles, came 
under their prows and sterns and cut the cables by which they 
were anchored. Alexander stationed armed guard-boats but 
the Tyrians sent divers and cut the cables as before. The 
Macedonians then employed chains for anchoring, pulled up the 
stones and cast them into deep water, and had unobstructed 
access to the walls. 

The Tyrians now resolved to attack the Cyprian fleet. Their 
plans were made with the utmost secrecy.^ They spread sails 
before the mouth of the harbor so that their operations could 
not be seen. They chose to make the attack at noon when 
many of the sailors were at their meals and when Alexander had 
retired to his tent on the farther side of the mole. Thirteen 
vessels, — three quinqueremes, three quadriremes, and seven 
triremes, — were manned by picked crews and warriors, and 
passed silently out of the harbor in single file. When the alarm 
was inevitable, they raised a shout of battle and made a fierce and 
swift onset against the surprised Cyprians. The ships of 
Pnytagoras, King of Salamis, and Androcles, King of Amanthus, 
and Pasicrates, a Thurian, were sunk in the first charge. Others 
were disabled and run ashore. But Alexander, having remained 
at his tent a shorter time than usual, quickly returned to the 
place where the fleet had been stationed.^ He first directed his 
ships with all possible haste to block the harbor, preventing 
other ships from coming out, and cutting off the escape of those 
already without, if the battle should go against them. He then 
hastened to the southern side of the mole and led his vessels 
around the island to come upon the Tyrian fleet unawares. 
The move, though unseen by those in the heat of the battle, was 
perceived by those on the walls. Frantic calls and repeated 
signals were unnoticed amid the battle din until Alexander's 

1 Arrian, II, 21. 

2 Arrian, II, 22. 


fleet arrived. Then the Tyrians turned and fled toward the 
harbor. Only a few were able to enter; most of them were 
disabled or captured, the crews and soldiers leaping overboard 
and saving themselves by swimming to the friendly shore. 
The effort ended in confusion. 

This victory allowed the Macedonians freer operations against 
the wall, but its height and solidarity opposite the mole baffled 
their efforts.^ They attempted a midnight attack by floating bat- 
teries on the part near the Sidonian harbor. But a sudden storm 
tore aside the ships that had been fastened together and covered 
with planks to give footing to the soldiers, and these were thrown 
into the water .^ In the darkness signals could not be seen ; in the 
confusion commands could not be heard. The soldiers over- 
powered the pilots and compelled them to return to shore. This 
effort also ended in confusion. 

The Tyrians began a second wall within the first, that they 
might be secure even if the first were broken through.^ 

A great fear rose in Tyre to add to the distress of her people. 
Strange portents were reported. A statue of Apollo had been 
set up in the city by the Carthaginians and had received the 
homage of the people.^ During the siege the Tyrians had 
treated it with contempt as favoring Alexander. A citizen now 
reported that in a vision he had seen Apollo preparing to leave 
the doomed city. To prevent the desertion, the Tyrians bound 
the image with a golden chain to the altar of their native deity 
Melkart.^ There were some who would have propitiated Moloch 
(Saturn) by the sacrifice of a child of royal birth according to 
an ancient custom in time of extreme public peril. But their 
counsel did not prevail.^ According to Arrian, some Mace- 
donians on voyage from Sidon were taken, put to death upon 
the walls within full view of their countrymen, and their bodies 
thrown into the sea.'^ Curtius^ says that Alexander saw that 
the siege would mean a long delay for him, and therefore sent 

1 Arrian, II, 21-22. ^ Diodorus, XVII, 41; Curtius, IV, 3. 

2 Curtius, IV, 3. e Curtius, IV, 3. 

3 Diodorus, XVII, 34. ^ Arrian, II, 24. 

* Curtius, IV, 3. « Curtius, IV, 2, 15. 


heralds to the Tyrians to secure peace, but that the Tyrians 
murdered these heralds and hurled them into the deep. He 
places this event at the beginning of the siege and gives it as the 
final cause of Alexander's decision to proceed with the siege. 
And it is possible that Arrian's story is a confusion of the event 
recounted by Curtius. 

An embassy from Carthage arrived and offered an asylum of 
escape for such as could reach their city, but brought news that 
they found it impossible to send miUtary aid.^ 

The attacks upon the wall continued to be made with the 
greatest energy and to be met with the greatest skill. As a 
protection against the battering rams and the missiles of the 
catapults, leathern bags filled with sea-wped were suspended 
from the wall.^ The ingenious mechanics of Tyre exhausted 
their skill in defense of their city. Circular machines placed 
upon the walls were set in rapid motion to intercept darts and 
other missiles. The mole having reached the island the Mace- 
donians raised their towers to the height of the wall, and by 
throwing bridges across, tried to enter the city. The Tyrians, 
tying grappling hooks to long ropes, and throwing them out, 
caught soldiers on the towers. Bodies thus caught were mangled ; 
some were dragged from the towers and fell to their death. 
Some were entangled by nets and dragged to the same fate. 
Red-hot metal was thrown by machines, and did much execu- 
tion. Sand, heated in shields of brass and iron, was poured down 
upon those who approached the walls, and sifting under the 
armor, caused such intense pain that soldiers threw off their 
armor and exposed themselves to the lance or arrow from the 
walls .^ With scythes on yard-arms the Tyrians cut the ropes 
with which the battering rams were worked. With cranes 
(Kopa^i) and "iron hands" they siezed the men protected by 
shields and dragged them to their death.* In the evening the 
Tyrians armed with axes charged the Macedonians at the 
bridges and, after a bloody conflict, drove them back. It is 

1 Curtius, IV, 3. " Ibid., XVII, 43, 44. Curtius, IV, 3, 

2 Diodorus, XVII, 45. * Ibid. 


said that Alexander meditated the abandonment of the siege 
after this repulse.^ 

On the second day following he ordered a general assault. 
The ships with the battering rams were brought up against the 
wall north and south of the mole. Those on the south soon 
made a breach. They then gave place to two ships on which 
were bridges and storming parties. Admetus was the com- 
mander of the one of these which carried Alexander; the other 
was commanded by Koinus.^ • Meanwhile the fleets were assailing 
both harbors to force entrance if the Tyrians should attempt to 
thwart the main assault. At the same time other vessels were 
detailed to sail around the city and menace the defenders at 
many points. By these means the bridges were laid to the 
breach in the wall and the soldiers advanced to the conflict. 
Admetus was first to set foot upon the wall; at once he fell 
mortally wounded by a lance, but still exhorting his soldiers to 
follow. The defenders were soon repulsed. Alexander, with 
his guards, was among the first upon the wall. He ordered the 
soldiers to proceed to the royal palace as affording easy access 
to the city. Meanwhile, both harbors had been forced and the 
Tyrian ships defeated. The city was in the hands of her enemies; 
her people defeated but not conquered. Some, having barricaded 
their houses, and gone to the roofs, threw down stones and 
other missiles upon the heads of the Macedonian soldiers. 
Many shut themselves up in their homes and died at their own 
hands. Many died in the streets. Others barricaded them- 
selves within the sacred building called the Agenorium,^ and 
made desperate resistance to Alexander and his soldiers until 
they were overpowered and killed almost to the last man. 
There was general slaughter in the streets and squares. The 
Macedonians were enraged by the stubborn resistance of the 
city and especially by the recent murder of some of their country- 
men; they therefore showed no mercy. A large part of the city 

1 Diodorus, XVII, 45; Curtius, IV, 4. 

2 Arrian, II, 23. 

^ Agenor, father of Cadmus, was said to have founded Tyre. Vid. Roscher, 
Ausfiihrliches Lexikon Griech. und Rom. Mythologie, s. v. Kadmos. 


was burned. Eight thousand were slain in the conflict.^ The 
young men of the city to the number of two thousand were 
crucified on the seashore by order of Alexander, as a reprisal for 
the death of the Macedonian prisoners.^ Thirty thousand were 
sold into slavery.^ The Sidonians on board of their vessels gave 
shelter to many refugees.'* The king, Azemilcus, and the chief 
magistrates, with the Carthaginian embassy, took refuge in the 
temple of Heracles (Melkart) and their lives were spared. 

Before proceeding to Egypt, Alexander celebrated his success 
by marching into the city with soldiers in full armor, and offering 
sacrifice to Heracles in the temple of Melkart. He consecrated 
to Heracles the battering ram which made the first breach in 
the wall, and a Tyrian ship used in the service of the god, which 
he had captured while the siege was in progress. The fleet 
defiled before the temple as a part of the ceremony. Then 
followed gymnastic games and a torch race.^ 

Alexander then left the city which was half burnt, ruined, 
and almost depopulated. The blackened forms of two thousand 
crucified soldiers bore ghastly witness to the completeness of the 
conquest. The siege had lasted from the middle of January 
till the middle of July, 332 B.C. The city did not lie in ruins 
long. Colonists were imported and citizens who had escaped 
returned. The energy of these with the advantages of the site, 
in a few years raised the city to wealth and leadership again. 

Tyre remained submissive to Alexander to the close of his 
life. Phoenicians accompanied his army for the purpose of 
trade, and rendered aid by their nautical knowledge.^ 

1 Diodorus says: "More than 7,000." Arrian says: "About 8,000." 

2 Curtius, IV, 4. 

* According to Diodorus, XVII, 46, when "most" of these had been sent to 
Carthage, there were left more than 13,000. 

* Curtius, IV, 4, makes this amount to the incredible number of 15,000. 
5 Arrian, II, 24. 

"Arrian, VI, 1; VII, 19. 



After the death of Alexander, Syria and Phoenicia fell to 
Laomedon and Egypt to Ptolemy.^ Ptolemy almost at once 
(320 B.C.) began the conquest of Phoenicia.^ He placed garri- 
sons in the Phoenician cities and held possession of them until 
315 B.C. when Antigonus returning from successful wars in 
Babylonia, easily reduced the other cities of Phoenicia but met 
with firm resistance from Tyre. Only eighteen years had passed 
since the desolation of the city by Alexander, but Tyre, like 
modern cities that have met with great calamities, recovered 
her powers quickly and again enjoyed leadership among the 
Phoenician cities.^ Though the city was connected to the 
mainland by a mole, it was extremely difficult of assault to an 
enemy who did not command the sea. Antigonus blockaded it 
by land; he then collected eight thousand wood-cutters to cut 
cedars and cypresses in Lebanon. These were brought to the sea 
by a thousand yoke of oxen to be fashioned into fleets at Tripolis, 
Byblus and Sidon. After a siege of fifteen months Tyre was 
reduced by Antigonus.'* His son Demetrius, however, was de- 
feated (312 B.C.) at Gaza by Ptolemy who gained possession of 
Phoenicia.^ Almost immediately he was compelled to yield it to 
Antigonus and retire into Egypt.^ In 307 B.C. Antigonus, having 
defeated the fleet of Ptolemy and reduced Cyprus, made an un- 
successful attack upon Egypt : and on his retreat, Ptolemy again 
possessed himself of the Phoenician cities except Sidon. False 

1 Curtius, X, 10; Diodorus, XVIII, 3. 

2 Justin, XVIII, 4; Strabo, XVI, 757. 
2 Diodorus, XVIII, 43. 
^Diodorus, XIX, 61. 

6 Diodorus, XIX, 86; Plutarch, Demetrius. Vid. Clough's Edition, Vol. V, 
p. 100. 

« Diodorus, XIX, 93. 
6 66 


news of a victory by Antigonus induced him to withdraw into 
Egypt.^ By the battle of Ipsus (301 B.C.) Antigonus lost his life 
and his son Demetrius lost the throne of Syria. Demetrius, how- 
ever, still retained Cyprus, Tyre and Sidon, and upon the demand 
of Seleucus that these be surrendered as belonging to Syria in the 
division of territory following the battle of Ipsus, he reinforced 
his garrisons in Tyre and Sidon.^ During the war between them 
which ended (287 B.C.) by the surrender of Demetrius, Ptolemy 
seems again to have gained control of Phoenicia, to hold it during 
his life.^ 

It seemed ever the fate of the Phoenician cities to be between 
an upper and a nether millstone. In the latter part of the 
third century they suffered through a series of struggles between 
the Seleucidae and the Ptolemies. Ptolemy Euergetes marched 
an army into Syria in the beginning of his reign (246 B.C.) and 
placed an Egyptian garrison in Seleucia. His son Ptolemy 
Philopater still held this city when Antiochus the Great under- 
took (218 B.C.) to reconquer Syria and Phoenicia. He took 
Seleucia by assault: through the treachery of Theodotus, Pto- 
lemy's lieutenant. Tyre and Acco fell into his hands. Nicolaus, 
who commanded the Egyptian fleet, was defeated and fled to 
Sidon. ^ In the following year Antiochus was defeated by 
Ptolemy who recovered Phoenicia which he held until his death. 
In 203 B.C. Antiochus recovered Syria and Palestine. Egypt 
sent forces under Scopas but they were defeated and compelled 
to surrender.^ Thus Phoenicia (198 B.C.) came again under the 
power of Syria. 

The sympathy of Tyre was with Carthage during the Punic 
wars. When Rome had conquered and a situation arose 

1 Diodorus, XX, 113. 

2 Plutarch, Demetrius. Vid. Clough's Edition, Vol. V, p. 129. 

' From the year 275 B.C. "the people of Tyre reckoned their era" (Cooke, 
N. S. I., p. 47; C. I. S., 1, 7, or N. S. I., Nos. 9 and 10). The Tyrian coins of the 
period (312-275 B.C.), stamped with native symbols of the sea and Greek 
and Egyptian symbols, illustrate the commercial character of the city and her 
claims to rule the waves. (Cooke, N. S. I., p. 351.) 

^ Polybius, Y, 40, 62, 68; Josephus, Antiq., I, 2. 

6 Polyb., XVI, 18, 19, 39; Jerome on Daniel, XI, 15. 


that made it necessary for Hannibal to flee for his h'fe, he 
escaped by ship to Tyre where he was received with every 
mark of honor. After a brief stay, he sought Antiochus 
whose wavering mind was finally brought to a decision for war 
against Rome.^ Tyrian ships were among those employed by 
Antiochus in his unsuccessful battle with the Romans and 
Rhodians at Myonisius.^ It is probable that he would have 
conquered Egypt if the Romans had not considered that the 
consolidation of the two great kingdoms was contrary to Roman 
interests, and compelled him to desist. A series of coins with 
Phoenician inscriptions begins with him. His sons, Seleucus 
and Antiochus Epiphanes retained possession of Phoenicia.^ 

The commercial prosperity of Tyre had not suffered greatly 
because of the foundation of Alexandria. Alexander had rebuilt 
Tyre and settled a new population there. The city recovered 
from the ruins of the siege quickly; and if she suffered any loss 
because of the commercial rivalry of Alexandria, it was more 
than compensated for by the new traffic made possible by Greek 
conquests in the east, and the greater security for trade that 
resulted.^ However, when Ptolemy Philadelphus constructed 
the harbor of Berenice on the Red Sea, and made a road with 
stations and watering places to Coptos, and reopened the canal 
which joined the Pelusiac branch of the Nile to the Gulf of Suez,^ 
Tyre suffered a great and permanent loss, for the traffic of the 
Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, which had hitherto passed from 
Eloth and Eziongeber across to Rinocolura^ and thence to all 
parts of the Mediterranean by vessels of Tyre, now passed by 
way of the canal to Alexandria. Thus the wealth that had 
formerly flowed to Tyre began to flow to Alexandria. 

In the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164 B.C.) Tyre 

began the issuing of a regular series of autonomous coins. These 

coins issued from the local mint bore two legends, one Greek 

1 Pliny, XXXIII, 48-49. 

^ Livy, XXXVII, 30, XXXV, 48; Josephus, Antiq., XII, 3. 

3 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 436. 

* Justin, XVIII, 4; Strabo, XVI, 757. 

5 Strabo, XVI, 781. 

« Strabo, XVI, 815; Pliny, VI, 33. 


and the other Phoenician: they acknowledged suzerainty and 
yet claimed a measure of independence.^ 

Festive assemblies characteristic of the Greeks, in which the 
offering of sacrifices combined with gymnastic contests, pageants 
etc., became a part of the life of Tyre which was now a semi- 
Greek city. Every fifth year such a festival was held.^ It is 
an indication of the royal esteem, that Antiochus attended the 
festival in 175 B.C. He paid the city another royal visit three 
years later. 

Upon this occasion Antiochus had made arrangements to 
hear a serious complaint against the Jewish high-priest, Menelaus, 
who was accused of having plundered the Temple of a number of 
its holy vessels, some of which he was said to have sold to the 
Tyrians. The Sanhedrin sent three representatives to present 
accusations before the king. But Menelaus bribed a courtier 
named Ptolemy, son of Dorymenes, to intercede with the king 
for him ; and Ptolemy was successful, since justice was commonly 
bought and sold at the Syrian court. Having acquitted the 
guilty, Antiochus, feeling that someone must be punished, con- 
demned to death the three public officials who had been com- 
missioned to make the complaint, and they were slain. The 
people of Tyre marked their sense of the iniquity of the sentence 
by decreeing that the bodies be given honorable burial.^ The 
independence of the city is shown by this brave deed and by the 
fact that the king did not dare resent it. 

A little later (166-165 B.C.) Phoenicians appear in a less favor- 
able light. Antiochus gave charge to Lysius, one of his generals, 
to destroy the Jewish state. He was to conquer the territory 
and sell the whole Jewish population into slavery, after which he 
was to repeople the land with strangers.'* The rate per head was 
fixed sufficiently low to prove very attractive to slave dealers. 
The prospect of vast profits led the merchants from the cities 
upon the sea-coast to accompany the army of Lysias. They 

1 Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 238. Vid. p. 157 below. 

* II Maccabees, IV, 18. 

» II Maccabees, IV, 32, 44-49. 

* I Mace, III, 32-36. 


took very much silver and gold, and came into the Syrian camp 
to buy the Children of Israel.^ But Judas Maccabeus completely 
defeated the Syrian army and took as lawful prize a large part of 
the money intended for the purchase of slaves.^ 

In the year 83 B.C., Tyre with the rest of Phoenicia and 
Syria, passed into the control of Tigranes, King of Armenia, who 
held the mastery for fourteen years.^ Then by the victories of 
Lucullus, mastery returned for a short time to the Seleucidae. 

1 1 Mace, III, 41. 

2 II Mace, IV, 23. 

3 Justin, XL, 1; Strabo, XVI, 749. 




In the year 64 B.C. Pompey reduced Syria, and the Phoenician 
cities became a part of the Roman Empire. 

The estabh'shment of Roman supremacy brought decided 
advantage to Tyre after conditions became settled. Com- 
mercial prosperity was impossible amidst political uncertainties 
and unrest. Rome gave stable government and brought order 
out of chaos. Her rule was not inimical to commercial activity. 
Pompey had recently cleared the sea of the bands of pirates 
who had been infesting the eastern part of the Mediterranean. 
Tyre could now devote herself to manufacture and traffic again. 

After the battle of Pharsalia, Caecilius Bassus fled to Tyre 
and induced some of the citizens and soldiers to join him in 
revolt in favor of Pompey while Caesar was engaged in his 
African wars. Sextus, who ruled Syria for Caesar, was put to 
death and Bassus claimed sovereignty. In the struggle which pre- 
ceded the battle of Philippi, Cassius, who commanded in Syria, set 
up tyrants over all Syria.^ He made Marion (ID^rTIp /TO?)^ king 
of Tyre. Marion was soon deposed by Anthony. While Anthony 
lingered in Egypt, the Parthians under Pacorus and Barzapharnes 
invaded Phoenicia and overran the whole country except Tyre, 
which Pacorus could not overcome. The political status of 
Tyre at this time is indicated by the fact that Anthony under the 
spell of Cleopatra "gave her the cities which were within the 
river Eleutherus (36 B.C.), as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and 
Sidon which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors,^ 
although she pressed him often to bestow those on her also." 

1 Josephus, Wars of the Jews, I, 12; Antiq., XIV, 12. 

2 Vid. G. Hoffman, Zeitschr. fur Assyr., Vol. XI, pp. 240-241. 

3 Jos., Antiq., XV, 4. 



The Tyrians appear to have shown their appreciation of his 
honor of their ancient Hberties by adherence to him, for when 
Augustus came to the east (20 B.C.) he is said to have deprived 
both cities of their Hberties;^ however the punishment was prob- 
ably not enforced, for Strabo, writing shortly afterwards, speaks 
of Tyre as still enjoying its independence.^ The attitude of 
Tyre and Sidon toward Herod Agrippa in 44 A.D. implies their 
continued possession of modified autonomy.^ 

The entrance of Christianity into Tyre was an event which 
profoundly affected the city's history. The manner of its 
introduction is unknown. The fame of the Prophet of Galilee 
reached the Phoenician cities early in his ministry; among his 
followers were men from "about Tyre and Sidon.""* Jesus 
himself visited the borders of these cities. It was near Tyre 
that he healed the daughter of the Syro-Phoenician woman. ^ 
Christians among those "scattered abroad" after the death of 
Stephen, preached in Phoenicia.* When Paul journeyed by sea 
from Greece and Asia Minor on his last visit to Jerusalem 
(A.D. 57?), there was a church at Tyre whose members con- 
sisted of men, women and children. Paul tarried with them 
seven days. They foresaw his troubles and besought him not 
to go up to Jerusalem. When he departed, they accompanied 
him to the harbor, and kneeling, prayed for him.'' The religion 
of Jesus took firm root in the city of Melkart. 

In the year 44 A.D. Herod Agrippa was greatly displeased 
with the people of Tyre and Sidon.^ It is clear from the incident 
that Tyre was enjoying a measure of autonomy at this time, 
otherwise as Rawlinson has shown,^ his quarrel would have been 
a quarrel with Rome. The incident throws light upon the com- 

1 Dio Cassius, Historia Romanae, LIV, 7. 

2 Strabo, XVI, 757. 
» Acts, XII, 20, 23. 

4 Mark, III, 8. 

5 Mark, VII, 24-31; Matt., XV, 21-28. 

6 Acts, XI, 19. 

^ Acts, XXI, 4-8. . 

8 Acts, XII, 20-23. 

' Phoenicia, pp. 242-243. 


mercial condition of these cities. Their country was nurtured by 
the king's country. Their eagerness to appease him was due to 
commercial considerations. When Paul sailed to Palestine as 
related above, the ship passed south of Cyprus and landed at 
Tyre, "for there the ship was unable to unlade her burden." 
Then upon leaving the city he took ship for Ptolemais and 
Caesarea.^ And so the commerce of Tyre continued to thrive, 
although Rome had made herself the commercial as well as the 
political capital of the empire; and by commerce and manu- 
facturing streams of wealth continued to flow to the Phoenician 

Early in the Roman period began the only era of literary 
activity in the Phoenician cities, of which we have knowledge. 
Strabo (B.C. 40-A.D. 18) says that there was a school of phi- 
losophy at Sidon. Two early Stoic philosophers of Tyre are 
mentioned, Antipater, who was intimate with the younger 
Cato and known to Cicero, and Apollonius, who wrote a work 
about Zeno and compiled a bibliography of Stoic philosophy .^ 
Marinus of Tyre, who lived in the early part of the second 
century after Christ, must be reckoned as the first scientific 
geographer: his maps were mathematically constructed according 
to longitude and latitude.^ Marinus doubtless used the vast 
amount of geographical knowledge accumulated in the Phoe- 
nician cities. He employed also the works of Greek and Roman 
travelers,^ and may have availed himself of the astronomical 
data of Hipparchus in determining latitude, as the eclipse of the 
moon that appeared at Arbele on the fifth hour, but at Carthage 
on the second.^ Ptolemy of Pelusium regrets that there had 
been so few such observations, and in his great geographical 
work sought only to perfect the work that Marinus had done, 

1 Acts, XXI, 4-8. 

2 Strabo, XVI, 2. The Phoenicians excelled in mathematics, astronomy, 
and nautical science but irda-qs rrjs AXXtjs (f>i\o(ro(f)las evxoplav iroXi) irXelffr-qv Xa^eTv 
itXTiv iK TO&ruiv rwv iroKiuv. 

' Ptolemy, Geography, I, 7. 
* Ibid., I, 6. 
5 Ibid., I, 4. 


following him excepting when he found an error.^ The rhe- 
torician, Paulus of Tyre, was a man of much ability. He went 
to Rome on an embassy for his native city, and so pleased the 
Emperor Hadrian by an oration given before him that the 
Emperor conferred upon Tyre the title of Metropolis, thus 
oflScially settling the ancient controversy between Tyre and 
Sidon.2 Maximus of Tyre, who flourished 160-190 A.D. was a 
Sophist and philosopher, many of whose works are extant. 
He took up his abode at Rome, and is said to have been one of 
the instructors of Marcus Aurelius. 

Near the close of the second century the church at Tyre was 
active, under the leadership of her own bishop, Cassius, in the 
Paschal controversy that then stirred Christendom.^ 

In the year 193 A.D. Septimus Severus and Pescennius Niger 
were rival aspirants to the throne of Rome. Niger commanded 
the east with headquarters at Antioch. The Tyrians and people 
of Laodicea, perhaps because of jealousy of their neighbors, 
favored Severus. Upon receiving the news that Niger had 
failed in his attempt to prevent the march of Severus through 
the passes of the Taurus, they destroyed the insignia and boldly 
proclaimed Severus. Niger sent his Mauritanian troops with 
orders to destroy these two cities and put their inhabitants to 
the sword. The bloody commission was executed. Tyre was 
plundered and burned after a fearful slaughter of her citizens.^ 
Niger was defeated in the battle of Issus (194 A.D.) and was slain 
soon afterward at Antioch. In 201 A.D. Severus recruited the 
population of Tyre from the third legion which had long been 
in Syria, and rewarded the city for its loyalty to himself by 
giving it the title of Colony,^ with the Jus Italicum. The city 
seems to have recovered quickly from its disaster. It regained 
some measure of its former wealth and splendor. 

1 Ptolemy, Geography, I, 18. Vid. also Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 441. 
^ Suidas s. v. IIoOXos Ti/ptos. 

' Eusebius, Church History, V, 25. Vid. Schaff and Wace, Nicene and 
Post-Nicene Fathers, New York, 1890, Vol. I, p. 244. 
^ Herodian, III, Chapter III, 3-6. 
^ Vid. coins of Severus, p. 158 below. 


In the year 250-251 there was a general persecution of the 
Christians, through an effort of the Emperor Decius to re- 
estabhsh the ancient Roman faith. Origen was thrown into 
prison, and suffered the torture of the rack and the iron collar. 
By his fortitude he won the name Adamantius, but when the 
persecution ceased, he came forth broken in health, and perhaps 
as a result of his torture, died in 253.^ "For largeness of 
learning, fruitfulness of work, sweetness of character, he was the 
glory of the Church in his day, and almost every great man in 
the Eastern Church for fifty years after his death was either a 
personal pupil of that great teacher, or somehow an instrument 
of his fashioning. "2 When the Cathedral of Tyre was built, the 
body of this great scholar was entombed behind its altar, accord- 
ing to tradition. 

That the Church at Tyre was not crushed by the persecution 
under Decius is evidenced by the fact that among the "more 
illustrious" bishops of the east when peace was restored (253 
A.D.) was Marinus, Bishop of Tyre.^ 

Porphyry, the Neo-Platonist, was a native of Tyre. He 
attended the teaching of Origen there. Porphyry's^ Phoenician 
name was Malchus, T|/D, king, but because of his desire to 
ingratiate himself with Greeks and Romans, and perhaps to 
hide his Asiatic origin, he adopted the name Porphyrins, purple 
as the royal color, being a fair equivalent for Malchus. He was a 
tireless student not only in the east but at Athens under Longinus. 
He went to Rome in 262 A.D. and joined the Neo-Platonist 
school of Plotinus. In him Neo-Platonism reached its highest 
ethical teaching.^ He was a great opponent of Christianity. 
He wrote a life of Pythagoras, in which he represents Pythagoras 

1 Eusebius, Church History, VI, 39, Schaff and Wace Edition, Nicene and 
Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. I, p. 281; Jerome, Lives of Illustrious Men, 54. 
Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 374. 

2 Waterman, The Fost-ApostoUc Age (N. Y., 1898), p. 359. 

2 Eusebius, VII, 5. Schaff and Wace Edition, Nicene and Post-Nicene 
Fathers, Vol. I, p. 294. 

* The name Uop<f)(ipios was first given him by his teacher when he was a 
pupil of Ammonius at Alexandria. Vid. Zimmem, Porph. to Marcella, p. 32 ff. 

* Zimmern, Porph. to Marcella, p. 32 ff. 


as having wrought great miracles, and as having given such power 
to his favorite followers. The work was intended to discredit 
the doctrine of Christ's miracles. He wrote an attack on 
Christian doctrines that ran to twenty-one books. This last 
work was answered by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre, but did much 
to check the advance of Christianity among the educated classes. 

Methodius, who was Bishop of Tyre in 267, "wrote books 
against Porphyry, in a polished and logical style; also a Banquet 
of the Ten Virgins, an excellent work on the Resurrection, 
Against Origen" and his commentaries. He afterward died as a 
martyr in Chalcis in Greece.^ 

In the midst of intellectual strife and religious unrest. Tyre 
continued to prosper because of her manufacturing and com- 
merce. Rome seems to have assumed control of the purple 
dyeing industries of the city. One Dorotheus, who was learned 
in Greek and Hebrew wisdom, having found favor with Emperor 
Diocletian, was honored by being placed over the purple dye 
works at Tyre.^ 

The city was the scene of bloody persecutions in the reign of 
Diocletian and Maximinus. Although Christianity had num- 
bered great leaders among its adherents at Tyre, the ancient 
faith of the city was far from being dead. That the adherents 
of the older cult had appealed to the Roman authority against 
the Christians, is clear from the edict of Maximinus, which was 
posted on a pillar at Tyre.^ The edict in part was as follows : 

" Behold, therefore your city . . . when it perceived that the adherents 
of that execrable vanity were again beginning to spread . . . immediately 
resorted to our piety . . . asking some remedy and aid. It is evident 
that the gods have given you this saving mind on account of your faith 
and piety. Accordingly, that supreme and mightiest Jove who presides 
over your illustrious city, who preserves your ancestral gods, your wives 
and children, your hearths and homes from every destructive pest, has 

1 Jerome, Lives of Illustrious Men, 83. Vid. Schaflf and Wace Ed., Nicene 
and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. Ill, p. 378. For writings of Methodius in 
English translation vid. Roberts and Donaldson, Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 
VI, pp. 309-412. 

2 Eusebius, Church History, VII, 32. Vid. Schaff and Wace, Nicene and 
Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. I, p. 317. 

» Ibid., IX, 7. Vid. ibid., p. 360. 


infused into your soul this wholesome resolve. . . . Let as many as 
have abandoned that bUnd error . . . rejoice. . . . But if they still 
persist in their execrable vanity, let them as you have desired, be driven 
far away from your city and territory." 

Detailed accounts are given of the martyrdom of Theodosia, a 
Tyrian maiden, at Caesarea,^ and of five Egyptian Christians, 
who were tortured and slain in the arena at Tyre.^ The Church 
suffered very greatly. Tyrannion, the Bishop, was drowned in 
the depth of the sea.^ 

Late in the year 312 A.D. after Constantine's victory over 
Maxentius, the Edict of Milan was issued by Constantine and 
Licinius, announcing religious liberty for all and the right of 
" every man to perform his religious duties according to his own 
choice."^ With the edict there seems to have been sent forth a 
letter of instructions to the local authorities as to the carrying 
out of its provisions. Such a letter addressed to Anulinus, 
Proconsul of Africa, has come down to us. Among its provisions 
it orders that restoration be made to the Christian churches of 
all that had been taken away from them in the times of perse- 
cution, "whether gardens, buildings, or whatever they might be."^ 
It was immediately following the issuing of this edict that the 
work of building the temple of Tyre began. 

By the zeal of Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre, this temple was 
built. It was the most splendid in Phoenicia. In the presence 
of a brilliant company, Eusebius delivered the dedicatory sermon, 
which contains a full description of the temple and an account of 
its erection.^ The site chosen was that of a church which had 
been destroyed and its location desecrated in time of persecution. 
Eusebius' description of the Temple is of great value as being the 
oldest detailed account that we have of a Christian basilica. 
Enclosing a much larger space, a wall surrounded the temple 

1 Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine, VII. Vid. Schaff and Wace, Nicene and 
Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. I, p. 245. 

2 Eusebius, Church History, VIII, 7. Vid. ibid., p. 328. It is evident that 
gladiatorial spectacles were not uncommon at Tyre at this time. 

3 Eusebius, Church History, VIII, 13. Vid. ibid., p. 333. 
* Eusebius, Church History, X, 4. Vid. ibid., p. 379. 

<* Eusebius, Church History, X, 5. Vid. ibid., p. 379. 

« Eusebius, Church History, X, 4. Vid. ibid., pp. 370-379. 


area and served as a bulwark. At the eastern end of the temple 
was a lofty vestibule. Between the temple and the outer 
entrance, and surrounded by four transverse cloisters, was a 
quadrangular space with pillars rising on every side, which was 
open to sun and sky. Here were a fountain, and vessels of 
purification. Passing through this, one came to the entrance, 
which consisted of three doors, also facing the east. The middle 
door, larger than the other two, was adorned with plates of 
bronze. In the same way were arranged vestibules for the 
corridors on each side of the temple. All were adorned with 
fine wood carving. The temple proper was constructed and 
furnished with very costly materials. Its "length, and breadth, 
and splendor, and majesty, surpassing description, the brilliant 
appearance of the work, its lofty pinnacles reaching to the 
heavens, and the costly cedars of Lebanon above them" are 
alluded to. Within were thrones for those who presided and 
seats throughout the building. The altar, enclosed with wooden 
latticework elaborately carved "presented a wonderful sight." 
The pavement was of marble of many varieties. Without the 
temple on either side were provided spacious buildings which 
communicated with the entrances to the interior structure. 

Paulinus was afterwards made bishop of Antioch.^ He was 
succeeded in the episcopate of Tyre by Zeno.^ 

In 335 A.D., under Constantine, Tyre was chosen as the seat 
of a Church council, the purpose of which was to restore peace 
and order to the Christian Church, which was being greatly 
disturbed through acrimonious theological controversy. The 
council was so far from accomplishing its purpose that Roman 
soldiers sent to maintain order were compelled to restrain the 
council itself from rioting and violence. Charges of cruelty, 
impiety, and the use of magical arts were brought against 
Athanasius. As the bishops assembled were chiefly Arians, he 
was condemned and deprived of his see. The condemnation was 
afterwards reversed, and the Synod of Tyre came to be regarded 

1 Eusebius, Contra Marcellum, I, 4. Vid. Schaflf and Wace, Nicene and 
Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. I, p. 369. 

2 Zozomen, Church History, VI, 12. Vid. ibid., Vol. II, p. 353. 


as unorthodox. The record of the proceedings of this council 
forms one of the most disgraceful chapters in the history of the 
Christian Church.^ 

It is at this point that we begin to get our first faint traces of 
light from another source. The Bordeaux Pilgrim (333 A.D.) 
became the first of a vast number of pilgrims from Europe to the 
Holy Land. His itinerary brought him to Tyre and he mentions 
the village of Alexandroschene near Palaetyrus,^ but has left no 
record concerning the city.^ In 382 A.D. the Holy Pilgrim 
Paula, whose story is written by Jerome, passed by Tyre. She 
was a Roman matron of great wealth and social standing: her 
observations would have been of value, but she also has left no 
record, merely mentioning the city.^ 

Tyre was in a flourishing condition in the days of Jerome 
(340-420). He finds difficulty in reconciling Ezekiel's prophecy 
of the destruction of Tyre with the condition of the city in his 
own time. Speaking of its noble port that received ships coming 
from the deep, and the fact that the city was the mart of 
many islands, he adds: "quod quidem usque hodie perseverat, 
ut omnium propemodum gentium in ilia exerceantur com- 

Tyre was the oflBcial ecclesiastical metropolis of Phoenicia® 
with Photius as bishop in 451, and had been for a long time. 
The Council of Chalcedon confirmed the claim of Tyre and 
declared void the effort of the bishop of Beirut to divide the 

1 Athanasius, Paschal Letters, VIII, Contra Arianos, VI, 71-86. Vid. 
Schaff andWace. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. IV, 137-145. Socrates 
Scholasticus, Church History, I, 28-32. Vid. ibid., Vol. II, pp. 30-31. Theo- 
doret. Church History, I, 26-28. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, pp. 62-63. 

^ "Alexandroschene (modern Iskanderuneh) was named in honor of 
Alexander Severus in whose reign the road was constructed. At a later time 
it was attributed to Alexander the Great." Bensinger, Baedeker's Palestine 
and Syria (1912) p. 271. 

' Vid. Palestine Pilgrims' Texts, I, p. 16. These texts are published by 
■ the Palestine Pilgrims' Texts Society, and are cited, P. P. T., below. 

^ Vid. ibid., II, p. 4. 

^ Jerome, Commentary on Ezekiel, XXVII, 1-2. 

« Descriptio Parrochia lerusalem (c. 460 A.D.) Publications, Socidt^ de 
rOrient Latin; Serie Geog., Vol. I, 331. 


•province.^ Antoninus Martyr made a pilgrimage (570 A.D.?) 
to the Holy Land, and made record of "The Holy Places Visited." 
He writes: "The city of Tyre contains influential men; the life 
there is very wicked, the luxury is such as cannot be described. 
There are public brothels. Silk and other kinds of cloth are 

A dark story has come down to us from the period of the 
wars of the years 604-628 between the Persians under Khusrau 
n (Chosroes) and the Byzantines under Phocas, and, after him, 
Heraclius.^ During these years Tyre found herself in her old 
place between the upper and nether millstone. Though her 
prosperity depended upon peace and order, there was war and 
anarchy all around her. An illustration of these anarchistic 
conditions which doubtless prepared the way for the amazingly 
swift conquests of Islam in the years closely following is pre- 
served in the Annals of Eutychus.* The story is as follows : 

"There were in Tyre four thousand Jews ; these wrote to all the Jews who 
were at Jerusalem, Cyprus, Damascus, the hill country of Galilee and Tibe- 
rias, bidding them assemble themselves together on the night of the Christian 
Passover, slay all the Christians in Tyre, and then set out for Jerusalem, 
make away with every one whom they met and seize the city. When the 
plot came to the ears of the nobleman who was governor of Tyre, and of 
the inhabitants of that city, they laid hold upon all the Jews therein, 
bound them with chains of iron and cast them into prison. They closed 
the gates of the city and set up catapults and engines of war near them. 
So when the night of the Christian Passover came, the Jews from all the 
country round about gathered together at Tyre according as the Jews of 
Tyre had bidden them to do, and as they had agreed among themselves. 
But the people of Tyre repulsed them, numbering more than twenty-six 
thousand men. Howbeit the Jews destroyed all the churches at Tyre 
which stood without the citadel. But whensoever they destroyed any 
church, the inhabitants of Tyre took a hundred of the Jews whom they 
held captive, set them upon the top of the citadel, cut off their heads 

1 Canon XII and XXVIII. Vid. Schaff and Wace, Nicene and Post- 
Nicene Fathers, Vol. XIV, pp. 277, 290, 291. 

2 P. P. T., II, 3; Pub. Soc. Orient Latin; Serie Geog., I, 362. 

' For an account of these wars, see Theophanes (751-818 A.D.), Chrono- 
graphia, in loco. 

^ Vid. Palest. Pilg. Text, X, 39-40. Eutychus, 876-939 A.D., was Patriarch 
of Alexandria. 


there, and cast them over the walls. In this manner they slew two 
thousand men. Then a tumult arose among the Jews themselves and 
they betook themselves to flight. The Tyrians sallied out and followed 
up their retreat, making a great slaughter among them." 

Another dark incident in which Tyre was involved is recorded 
by the same author. When Heraclius came into possession of 
Palestine, 629 A.D., the monks of Jerusalem appealed to him 
for the destruction of the Jews because of their alleged part with 
the Persians in the destruction of churches and the slaughter of 
Christians at Tyre.^ It is evident therefore that Tyre had 
resisted the attack of the Persian arms, and had suffered sorely 
as a result. 

A military power inspired with a spirit of conquest appeared 
with the birth of Islam. Before this new military power fired 
with a frenzy of religious zeal, city after city and province after 
province fell with astonishing rapidity. The Byzantine Emperor 
Heraclius saw that his rich Syrian possessions were in grave danger 
of being taken from him. He mustered a large army to drive back 
the Moslems but in the decisive battle of Yarmuk, September, 
634, his army was crushed and the issue was practically fixed. ^ 

Late in the summer of 635 A.D. Damascus fell. The province 
of the Jordan to which Tyre belonged was in command of 
Shorabil (Shurahbil).^ He "reduced Tyre together with Saffuri- 
yah."^ But Christian infiuence and power lingered on the coast. 
The Greeks for a time had command of the sea. Therefore once 
and again from the seaward, Byzantine arms retook what the 
Arabs had gained.^ Unfortunately we do not have full informa- 
tion about Tyre in these unsettled times. Almost at once the 
city fell again into the hands of the Greeks if we may credit the 
following account from the writings attributed to Al-Wakidi. 

1 Vid. Palest. Pilg. Text, X, 39^0. 

^ Vid. Theophanes, Chronographia, in loco; Wellhausen, Art. on Moham- 
medanism, Encyclopedia Britannica (9th ed.) ; A. J. Dunn, The Rule of Islam, 
p. 81. Muu-, The Caliphate, p. 74. 

' Muir, The Caliphate, Its Rise, Decline and Fall, p. 104. 

< Al-Balddhuri (Futuh-ul-Bulddn, ed. M. de Geoje), p. 116. For this and 
other citations to the work of this Arabic author I am indebted to Mr. P. K. 
Hitti whose translation of the writings of Al-Bal&dhuri is soon to appear. 

« Muir, The Caliphate, Its Rise, Decline and Fall, p. 106. 


After the fall of Jerusalem, Omar commissioned Yazid Ibn 
Abu Sufyan to subdue Palestine and the maritime cities, while 
Abu Obeidah was commissioned to conquer northern Syria. 
Obeidah besieged Aleppo but met with long and stubborn resist- 
ance. When the Moslem hosts, by the stratagem of one named 
Damas, captured Aleppo, Yukenah, commander of the city, 
was one of the first to embrace Islam. 

Soon after the fall of Antioch, Yukenah, the fame of whose 
brave defense of Aleppo was known, but whose apostasy was 
not known, came to Tripolis. With his followers he was cordially 
welcomed without suspicion. At a favorable opportunity he 
and his men rose up and subdued the city. They sent news of 
their success to Abu Obeidah, while for the purpose of deception 
the standards of the cross were still permitted to wave over the 
battlements of Tripolis. Fifty ships ladened with provisions from 
Cyprus and Crete anchored off Tripolis; and before suspicions 
were aroused these fell into the hands of Yukenah and his 
followers. Forces sent by Abu Obeidah having received charge 
of Tripolis, Yukenah with the fleet still flying the Christian flag, 
sailed to Tyre. The Tyrians flocked to the seaside with accla- 
mations of joy to welcome the needed succor. Yukenah, with 
nine hundred men, landed and was welcomed as a deliverer. 
But one of his men betrayed the plot, and he and his followers 
were imprisoned in the citadel. Yezid Ibn Abu Sufyan, with a 
small force, rapidly advanced to Tyre in hope of finding the 
crescent already waving over the city's walls. Yukenah suc- 
ceeded in persuading Basil, the officer in charge of the prisoners, 
to join in a plot to deliver the city into the hands of Abu Sufyan. 
While the troops of Tyre were contending against the forces of 
Abu Sufyan, in frequent sallies and skirmishes, Basil with Yu- 
kenah and his followers rose against the city. The cry 'Allah 
Akbar' resounded through the streets of Tyre. The cross was 
torn from the standard and Tyre was under the sway of Islam. ^ 

1 This account of the entrance of Islam into Tyre is from the record of the 
Syrian wars, commonly accredited to Al-Wakidi (Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammed 
Ibn 'Omar Al-Wa^idi, died 207 A.H.), published in Simon Ockley's History 



The speedy conquest of such cities as Tyre was accomplished 
as much by the terms of surrender offered as by the frenzied 
valor of the Saracen soldiery. Islam offered protection for all, 
and this was vastly better than the political chaos prevailing. 
It offered toleration for all, and this was vastly better than the 
theological strife, and the bitter persecutions, and the religious 
civil warfare which it came to replace. The adherents of the 
older faiths naturally preferred such terms under Islam rather 
than the conditions under the so-called Christian rule of Con- 
stantinople. That the new order offered more favorable con- 
ditions for industry and commerce would not be overlooked by 
Tyre. The Christians themselves did not find the conditions 
unbearable. Their churches were not pulled down. That they 
were not allowed to build new ones was at first no hardship, for 
the turning of large numbers to the new faith made the churches 
already built amply sufficient to accommodate the population 
that adhered to Christianity. Their chief disadvantages, 
together with all the people who did not embrace Islam, was that 
they were not permitted to bear arms, and that they were 
required to pay the poll-tax. It was true of Tyre as of the other 
cities of Syria that "the lapse of the masses from Christendom 
to Islam, which took place during the first century after the 
conquest is only to be accounted for by the fact that . . . they 
changed their creed in order to acquire the rights and privileges 
of Moslem citizens. In no case were they compelled to do so: 
on the contrary, the Omayyad Caliphs saw with displeasure the 
diminishing proceeds of the poll-tax derived from their Christian 

The hamiliations to which Jews and Christians were subjected 
under Moslem rule were introduced gradually. But under the 
rule of Mu'awiyah at Damascus as Caliph of all Islam (40-60 
A.H.), the so-called Code of Omar was fully enforced. The 
clothing of non-Moslems must be distinguished by a stripe of 

of the Saracens, London, 1848, pp. 223 ff., 250 ff. Vid. also F. A. Neal, Islam- 
ism: Its Rise and Progress, Vol. I, p. 58 ff. 

1 Vid. J. Wellhausen, article on Mohammedanism, in the Encyclopedia 
Britannica (9th ed.). 


yellow. They must not ride on horse-back. If they rode on 
mule or ass, the stirrups and knobs of the saddle must be of wood. 
Their graves must be level with the ground. Their children 
must not be taught by Moslem masters. They must not 
aspire to any oflSce of trust or authority. They must erect no 
new places of worship, display no cross outside their buildings, 
ring no church bell, and grant to any Moslem free entry at 
pleasure into all holy places.^ 

Mu'awiyah realized the importance of the sea-coast cities. 
"In the year 42 A.H. he transplanted a band of Persians from 
Ba'albek, Hims and Antioch to the sea-coast of the province of 
the Jurdan," i. e., Tyre, Acre, and elsewhere.^ 

The industrial rivalry of Acre and Tyre is shown by the 
following incident. "A descendent of Abu-Mu'ait who lived 
in Acre, ran mills and workshops, Hisham Ibn 'Abd-ul-Malik 
wanted him to sell them to him, but the man refused. Hisham 
therefore moved the industry to Tyre, where he ran an inn and 

When Mu'awiyah launched his successful fleet for conquest 
in 647 A.D., he probably sailed from Tyre.^ Victories were won 
against Cyprus, Malta, and Crete. Mti'awiyah captured Rhodes, 
broke up the famous Colossus, and carried its fragments off to 
Alexandria. After ravaging the coast of Asia Minor he returned 
to Tyre with immense treasures and many slaves, 

"When 'Abd-ul-Malik Ibn Merwan, 64-65 A.H., was established 
in the Caliphate, he repaired Kaisariyah (Caesarea), rebuilt its 
mosque, and manned it with a garrison. He likewise rebuilt 
Tyre and Outer-Acre, which had suffered the same fate as 
Kaisariyah"; i. e. destruction by the Greeks in the days of 

1 Muir, The Caliphate, Its Rise, Decline and Fall, p. 147. 

^Baladhuri (Futuh-ul-Buldan, ed. M. de Geoje), p. 117. Vid. note 4, 
p. 80 above. 

" Ibid. 

* F. A. Neale, Islamism: Its Rise and Progress, Vol. I, p. 115 ff. Al-Balad- 
huri (Futuh-ul-Buldan, ed. M. de Geoji), p. 117. Vid. note 4, p. 80 above. 

^Baladhuri (Futuh-ul-Buldan, ed. M. de Geoje), p. 117. Vid. note 4, 
p. 80 above. 


Under Mohammedan rule the conquered territory was divided 
into "Junds" or mihtary districts. Ibn al-Fakih (c. 903 A.D.) 
names Tyre as a city of the Jordan district of which Tiberias 
was capital.^ The same historian states that Tyre was one of 
the coast cities of Damascus. He explains the seeming contra- 
diction by the fact that while the mosque belonged to Damascus, 
the land tax belonged to the Jordan province.^ 

Bishop Arculf visited Palestine (c. 700 A.D.). He dictated the 
story of his travels to Adamnan. Of Tyre he says: "Tyre, the 
metropolis of the province of Phoenicia, . . . This city was very 
beautiful and very noble. "^ 

It is stated in the Travels of WilUbald (c. 724 A.D.) : 

"Nobody is allowed to pass this place (a tower on Ras al-Abiad) with- 
out letters of safe conduct. Those who are without such letters are seized 
and sent to Tyre. ... So when they (Willibald and companions) came 
to Tyre, the citizens stopped them, and examined their burdens to see if 
they had anythmg concealed: for if they had found anything, they would 
immediately have them put to death. . . . They remained here some 
days waiting for a ship for Constantinople."^ 

"A city of the Jordan province," writes Ya'kubi in 891 A.D. 
"It is the chief town of the coast districts, and contains the 
arsenal. From here sail the Sultan's ships on the expeditions 
against the Greeks. It is a beautiful place and fortified."^ 

"Sur in the Jordan province is one of the most strongly forti- 
fied of the sea-coast towns. It is populous and its lands are 
fertile," write Arab historians in 951 and 978 A.D.® 

Mukaddasi in 985 wrote: • 

"Tyre is a fortified town on the sea, or rather in the sea, for you enter 
the town through one gate only, over a bridge, and the sea lies all round 
it. The city consists of two quarters: the first being built on terra 

^ I. F., 116, LeStrange, Palestine Under the Moslems, p. 30. 

* I. F., 105, LeStrange, Palestine Under the Moslems, p. 32. 

3 Vid. Palest. Pilg. Text, III, 47; Thomas Wright, Early Travels in Pales- 
tine (London, 1848), p. 10. 

^ Wright, Early Travels in Palestine, p. 20. 

' Ya'k^bl, 1 15. Vid. LeStrange, Palestine Under the Moslems, p. 342. Vid. 
also P. P. T., Ill, 3, p. 11. 

« Istakhri, 59, Ibn Haukal, 114. Vid. LeStrange, Pal. under Mos., p. 342. 


firma: while the second, beyond this, is an area enclosed by triple walls 
with no earth appearing, for the walls rise out of the sea. Into this harbor 
the ships come every night, and then a chain is drawn across, whereby 
the Greeks are prevented from molesting them. Water is brought into 
the town by means of a vaulted aqueduct. Tyre is a beautiful and 
pleasant city. Many artificers dwell here and ply their special trades."^ 

This writer gives an account of the commerce of Syria in 
the tenth century, in which he outlines the industries of the 
chief cities. He says: "From Tyre come sugar, glass, beads, 
glass vessels both cut and blown. "^ 

Tyre was visited by the Persian traveler Nasir-i-Khusrau in 
1047 A.D. He writes: 

"The walls are built of hewn stone, their joints being set in bitumen 
to keep the water out. ... Its caravanserais are built of five or six 
stories, set one above the other. There are numerous fountains of water: 
The bazaars are very clean, also great is the quantity of wealth exposed. 
This city of Tyre is renowned, in fact, for wealth and power among all 
the maritime cities of Syria. The population for the most part is of the 
Shi'ah sect, but the Kadi or Judge of the place is a Sunni. He is known as 
the son of Abu Akil, and is a very good man, also very wealthy. They 
have erected a Mashhad (a shrine, or place of martyrdom) at the city 
gate, where one may see great quantities of carpets and hangings, and 
lamps and lanterns of gold and silver. The town itself stands on an 
eminence. Water is brought thereto from the mountain: and leading 
up to the town gate they have built arches (for the aqueduct) along which 
the water comes into the city."' 

Tyre was at least nominally under the authority of Egypt until 
the Seljuk Turks under Turgil Bey took Damascus^ and assumed 
authority over Syria. The Egyptians under their vizer, Bedr, 
made war in Syria and, though they failed to retake Damascus, 
they succeeded in reducing Tyre,^ which for many years had 
been practically independent.^ Bedr was succeeded in the 
vizerate of Egypt by Al-AfdaF under whose authority the city 
was ruled at the beginning of the period of the Crusades.^ 

1 Mukaddasi, 163. Vid. LeStrange, Pal. under Mos., p. 343. Vid. also P. 
P. T., Ill, 3, p. 32. 

2 Mukaddasi, 180. Vid. LeStrange, Pal. under Mos., p. 18. 

' Nasir-i-Khusrau II. Vid. LeStrange, Palestine Under the Moslems, p. 343. 

* 1076 A.D. 5 1085 A.D. 

« S. Lane-Poole, History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, p. 161. 

' Vid. ibid. » Vid. p. 88 below. 



During the centuries of the Moslem rule, to the beginning 
of the Crusades, Tyre prospered. To her ancient industries 
was added the production of sugar, which she exported to all 
parts of the world and which was used for medicinal purposes.^ 
Her wealth continued. At the close of this period the aqueduct 
from Ras al-Ain was bringing her water supply to the gates of 
the island city.^ She was made the naval base from which the 
Arabic ships sailed forth to fight against the Greeks.^ Her walls, 
triple on the land side, and double toward the sea, with the 
three gates, one behind the other, at the entrance, were the 
wonder of visitors.^ The Egyptian harbor seems no longer to 
have been used, but the Sidonian had been fortified, the walls 
at its entrance being drawn in and protected by a tower at either 
side. In this inner harbor the ships of the city anchored, but 
in the outer harbor made by Alexander's causeway, the ships of 
other lands moored. A great iron chain across the entrance to 
the inner harbor made it impossible for ships to pass in or out 
except when it was lowered, and so secured the city against 
naval attack.^ The need of such precautions reveals conditions 
unfavorable to the building up and maintaining of such com- 
merce as the city enjoyed in the days when she was mistress of 
the waves. There was no central power strong enough to sweep 
piracy from the seas.^ Then the merchants of Tyre found them- 

1 Verum et canamellas unde preciosissima usibus et saluti mortalium 
necessaria maxime conficitur zachara; unde per institores ad ultimas orbis 
partes deportatur. Will. Tyre, XIII, 3. William of Tyre, the best historian 
of the Crusades, ended his work entitled Historia Rerum in Partibus Trans- 
marinis Gestarum in 1183 A. D., but his continuators carried his story forward 
to 1231 A.D. For convenience we have followed the usual custom of making 
all citations to the work under Will. Tyre. 

2 Vid. accounts of Ya'kQbi, Istakhri, Ibu Haukal, Mukaddasi and Nasir-i- 
Khusrau, pp. 84-85 above. 

' The Crusaders on the way to Jerusalem met at Tarsus a fleet of " Christian " 
men of Flanders and Holland who had been practising piracy successfully for 
eight years. (Will. Tyre, III, 23.) 



selves no longer enjoying a monopoly of the international trade. 
Genoa, Venice and Pisa had come to the front as commercial 
cities.^ While Tyre, therefore, did not hold a place of supremacy 
such as had been hers in the days of Ezekiel, she was nevertheless 
a city of great beauty, industry, commerce and wealth. 

The last decade of the eleventh century saw Europe convulsed 
by the frenzied eloquence of Peter the Hermit as he heralded the 
real or imaginary persecutions of Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem.^ 
Pope Urban II proclaimed the Crusade for the delivery of the 
Holy Sepulchre from the hands of the infidels. After disaster 
had befallen the vast rabble which went forth under the leader- 
ship of Peter the Hermit and Walter the Penniless, the real 
warriors of the west, knights who were the flower of the chivalry 
of their time, took up the holy warfare. They reached Antioch, 
which they besieged and captured in June 1098,^ After a delay 
in Antioch of more than six months they passed down the coast 
on the way to Jerusalem. Their experience near Tyre is re- 
corded,^ and may be given in Claxon's quaint translation as 
follows : 

They went so fer that they cam to this noble cyte of Sur. There they 
lodged them by the noble fontayne, . . . They lodged this nyght in 
gardens moche delectable; whan it was daye they sette them forth on 
theyr lourneye. And passed by a strayt moche perylous whiche is 
bytwene the montaines & the see.^ 

At this time Tyre was under the authority of the Caliph of 
Egypt.® The troops of the Caliph had occupied the city in 486 

1 "The Venitians, the Genoese, the Pisans, — the merchants of Amalfi and 
Marseilles — had all stores at Alexandria, in the maritime cities of Phoenicia, 
and in the city of Jerusalem." W. Robson, Michaud's History of the Cru- 
sades, Vol. I, p. 11. For an account of French commerce in the Levant before 
the Crusades, see article of M. de Guignes in Collection des Meilleurs Disserta- 
tions, Relatifs a I'Histoire de France (Paris, 1838), p. 145 ff. 

2 W. Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, Vol. I, pp. 42-60. 

3 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 155-157. 
* Will. Tyr., VII, 22. 

^ William Claxton, Godeffroy of Boloyne, or the Siege and Conqueste of 
Jerusalem, by William, Archbishop of Tyre, ed. of M. N. Clovin, London, 1893, 
H 165. 

swilliamof Tyre, VII, 21. 


A.H. (1093-1094 A.D.)/ but the authority of Egypt was not 
accepted without a struggle. The city revolted and in 490 
(1097-1098) Al-Afdal, Vizier of Egypt, with a well equipped army 
marched against Tyre. His troops entered the city and mas- 
sacred a large number of people. The governor of the city was 
brought to Al-Afdal and was put to death for having instigated 
the revolt.^ 

Jerusalem fell before the Crusaders on July 15, 1099,^ and God- 
frey of Bouillon was chosen king of the newly founded Kingdom 
of Jerusalem.^ After his death in 1100,^ Baldwin, his brother, 
succeeded him.^ Baldwin proceeded to subdue his kingdom as 
rapidly as possible. In order that communication with the west 
might be unbroken, it was necessary that the coast cities be 
captured. Tyre bought peace with Baldwin by gifts and presents 
in 1100,^ and again in 1101,^ but in 1103 she was among the 
cities which sent aid to Acre when Baldwin was besieging that 
city,^ and to Tripolis^ when Raymond was besieging it.^" 

The Crusaders had built the fortress Tibnin (Toron)," and in 
the year 500 (1106-1107) Tzz al-Mulk, governor of Tyre, 
attacked this fortress and massacred the Franks wHo were there.^^ 

^ Abu al-Fida, Annals entitled Mukhtasar ta'rikh al-bashar, year 503. Vid. 
R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 1 ff. 

The references to Arabic authors, unless otherwise specified, are to the 
text and translation published by the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles- 
Lettres, Paris, in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades Orientaux which is cited 
R. H. C. Or. The numerals following the names of the historians indicate the 
years in their annals under which the citations are to be found. 

2 Ibn Muyassir, Annals, year 490. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 461. 

3 William of Tyre, VIII, 14. 
* Ibid., X, 2. 

5 Ibid., IX, 23. 
8 Ibid., X, 1. 

' Albertus Aquensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, VII, 34. Vid. Recueil des 
Historiens des Croisades; Historiens Occidentaux, Vol. IV, p. 530 ff. 

8 Ibid., VII, 51. 

9 Ibid., IX, 19. 

10 Ibid., IX, 32. 

" WiUiam of Tyre, XI, 5. 

i^Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, Annals entitled "Mirat al-Zaman," year 500. Vid. 
R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 530. Jaques de Vitry, Historia Hierosolymitana, 


In the year following, Baldwin appeared before Tyre at the head 
of an army, and the governor of the city paid to him seven 
thousand dinars of gold as the price of peace.^ 

After the fall of Tripolis, an Egyptian fleet supplied with men, 
money and abundant provisions, appeared. When it was found 
that Tripolis had fallen, the fleet hastened to Tyre and its pro- 
visions were supplied to the cities which remained under Egyptian 
authority — Tyre, Sidon and Beirut.^ 

When Sidon surrendered in 1110 A.D., Tyre and Ascalon 
alone remained to be captured.^ Tyre was of unusual im- 
portance, not only because of its wealth, but because it was 
"caput et metropolis" of the Christian churches of Phoenicia, 
and fourteen cities were suffragen to the Archbishop of Tyre.'* 

The Tyrians foresaw that their city would be attacked. They 
therefore planned to remove a large amount of wealth to a place 
of safety. A league was made with Tugtakin of Damascus for 
the removal of the wealth to his city. An illustrious Christian 
man by the name of Reinfridus, a noted soldier and citizen of 
Tyre, agreed to conduct the treasure train safely to Damascus. 
He secretly notified Baldwin who arranged his soldiers in ambush. 
The camel train left Tyre with its rich treasures. In an un- 
expected night attack the Franks fell upon the Tyrians and 
put to rout those whom they did not succeed in slaying. The 
train was captured and the Franks carried off in mule and camel 
vehicles uncounted gold, silver, precious ornaments, treasures, 
precious purples and silks of various colors.^ 

says that this fortress was built in order to "vex" Tyre. P. P. T., XI, 2, 7. 
Vid. also Burchard of Mt. Zion, P. P. T., XII, p. 21. 

1 Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 501. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 534. Abu al-Fida, 
504, represents this gift as having been made subsequent to the fall of Sidon in 
1110 A.D.; — or does he refer to another payment of tribute? Vid. ibid., Vol. 
I, p. 10. 

2 Ibn al-Athir, Annals entitled "Kamil Altawarikh," year 503. Vid. 
R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 274. Abu al-Fida, 503, says that the fleet failed to 
reach Tripolis because of adverse winds. Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 10. 

» William of Tyre, XI, 17. 

* Ibid., X, 17. 

^ Jaques de Vitry, XII, 3. 


Baldwin collected his forces in 1111 A.D. for the subjugation 
of Tyre, but the Norwegian fleet which had been supporting his 
arms had withdrawn and such a fleet as he was able to gather 
was of little value.^ Troops from places less defensible had 
joined the forces within Tyre, so that the city had a full quota of 
defenders. The siege began on November 27, 1111 A.D.^ 
The besiegers made repeated attacks against the city. They 
had prepared two great wooden towers of sufficient height to 
enable them to fight effectively, and these they brought up 
against the walls.^ Meanwhile, despairing of receiving help 
from Egypt, the people of Tyre sent an appeal to Tugtakin 
of Damascus, and desired to place themselves under his pro- 
tection. Tugtakin advanced to Paneas^ and sent infantry 
and cavalry to the aid of Tyre.^ Some of these fell into the hands 
of Baldwin and were put to death.^ The force of Tugtakin cut 
off supplies coming by land, but the besiegers were still able to 
get provisions from Sidon. Tugtakin therefore attacked Sidon 
and slew many Franks.^ Baldwin pressed the siege and, by the 
towers, forced the first and second wall, and was attacking the 
third.^ Tugtakin sent messages of encouragement to the 
besieged.^ The governor of the city, whose title was Izz al-Mulk, 
held a council of war, at which a sheikh who had been present at 
the siege of Tripolis^ volunteered to destroy the wooden towers. 

^ Will. Tyr., XI, 17, calls it a qualemqualem fleet, saying, "congregatis 
ex universa ora maritima navibus quotquot potuit, classem ordinat qualem- 
qualem. Vid. also Jaques de Vitry, XII, 4. 

2 Ibn al-Athir, 505. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 283. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 
505, gives Nov. 29, 1111, as date. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 543. 

» Will. Tyr., XI, 17. 

* Paneas was Caesarea Philippi. Foulcher de Chartres, Historia Hiero- 
solymitana, 49. Vid. Rec. Hist. Crois. Occid., Vol. Ill, p. 459 ff. 

*Abu al-Mahasin, Annals entitled al-Nujum, 505. Vid. R. H. C. Or., 
Vol. Ill, p. 491. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 505. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 543. Jaques 
de Vitry, XII, 4-6. 

» Ibn al-Athir, 505. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 285. 

^ Will. Tyr., XI, 17. Towers were protected against fire in the usual man- 
ner, by hides. Albertus Aquensis, XII, 6. 

8 Abu al-Mah&sin, year 505. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 491. Sibt Ibn 
al-Jauzi, 505. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 544. Ibn al-Athir, 505. Vid. ibid., 
Vol. I, p. 285. Jaques de Vitry, XII, 4-6. 

« Ibn al-Athir, 505. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 284. 


With a thousand armed warriors bearing burning fagots he 
made a sally and succeeded in setting fire to the towers.^ The 
Franks saved the larger tower. The fosses had been filled up 
and the assaults of the besiegers were made so effectively that 
the city was almost in despair when a hurling machine was 
erected by which the Tyrians succeeded in setting fire to the 
great tower of the besiegers, hurling against it materials soaked 
with naptha of which a supply was found in the ground.^ 
Sulphur, pitch and other combustibles were also used. 

Stubborn fighting on both sides continued until spring. 
Then the Franks, hearing that Tugtakin was approaching with 
twenty thousand men,^ and fearing that all the territory already 
possessed would be lost, raised the siege on April 21, 1112, 
burned such implements of war as could not be moved, and 
retired to Acre.^ The force of Tugtakin entered Tyre, and the 
people gave to their deliverer much money and many precious 
gifts. ^ They did not neglect to repair their fosses and ramparts 
which had suffered by the siege.^ 

The Franks built the fort called Scandalium some five miles 
distant in order the more effectively to harass Tyre.^ Petty 
fighting was continued on both sides. Tyrians frequently 
attacked pilgrims. In 1113 a band of pilgrims was attended by 
a company of Baldwin's soldiers. Near Tyre the soldiers lay 
in ambush and when men from the city came out and attacked 
the pilgrims, Baldwin's soldiers surprised them and compelled 
them to flee back to Tyre.^ 

After delivering the city from the attack of Baldwin, Tugtakin 
had withdrawn, leaving the city under the authority of the 
Caliph of Egypt. However the following year,^ fearing that 

1 Will. Tyr., XI, 17. 

2 Will. Tyr., XI, 17; Jaques de Vitry, XII, 7. 

3 Ibn al-Athir, 505. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 286. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 
505. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 545. 

*Will. Tyr., XI, 30; Foulcher de Chartres, 62. 

6 Jaques de Vitry, XII, 10. 

« Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 506. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 545. Ibn al- 
Athir, 518, dates the appointment of Mas'ud ten years later, giving the same 
facts except as to the occasion of the appointment which he gives as an attack 
of the Franks in 526 (1122-1123). Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 356. 


Baldwin would make a second attack, the people of Tyre ar- 
ranged with their governor, Izz al-Mulk, to put the city under the 
protection of Tugtakin. They requested Tugtakin to send an 
amir of his choice and forces for the city's defense, and offered to 
put the city permanently under his authority. Tugtakin sent an 
amir named Mas'ud, who was a brave and experienced warrior, 
and with him troops. Prayer continued to be offered in the 
mosques in the name of the CaUph of Egypt, and money was 
coined in his name also.^ 

Tugtakin wrote Al-Afdal explaining the situation, and promis- 
ing to withdraw his troops whenever they should no longer be 
needed for the city's protection.^ He asked that Egypt should 
send men and provisions. Al-Afdal thanked him; a fleet set 
forth, and Tyre assumed her ancient tranquility. 

Peace was arranged on what seemed to be a solid basis and 
prosperity returned, for because of the security of travel, the 
merchants of Tyre carried on their trade on every side.^ 

The city seems to have suffered but little from the earthquake 
that in 1114 A.D. shook all Syria and laid many cities in ruins.^ 

As Tyre was still nominally under Egyptian authority,^ Al- 
Mamoun successor to Al-Afdal as Vizier of Egypt,® sent a well- 
supplied and equipped fleet to the city in 1123 A.D. When 
Mas'ud, who was still in command of the city, came to salute 
the oflicer in charge of the fleet, he was thrown into chains and 
carried to Egypt.^ In Egypt he was shown great honors, and 
then sent to Damascus.^ The Egyptian authorities apologized 

1 Tyrian dinars are referred to by a number of writers of this period. Vid. 
Ibn Jubair, Voyage of, under description of Paneas; Beha ad-Din, Rec. 
Hist. Crois. Orient., Vol. Ill, 8, 19, 101. In this last reference it is stated 
that the ransom of a Christian man captured was put at ten Tyrian dinars, 
and the ransom of a woman at five. Ibn Jubair states that the Tyrian dinar 
was a gold coin but he did not know its exact weight. 

2 Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 507. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 546. Ibn al-Athir, 
518. Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 357. 

3 Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 507. Vid. ibid.. Vol. Ill, p. 547. 
* Will. Tyr., XI, 23. 

5 Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 356. 
8 Ibn Muyassir, 516. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 468. 
' Ibn Muyassir, 517. Vid. ibid. 
Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 357. 


to Tugtakin for their removal of Mas'ud. Tugtakin responded 
politely and promised to cooperate for the common defense. 

The expulsion of Mas'ud was taken as a piece of good fortune 
by the Franks. They thought that the city could not now 
resist them and so began preparations for a new attack. The 
Egyptian commandant in the city recognized his inability to 
protect it with the provision and equipment at hand, and noti- 
fied the Caliph of Egypt.^ The Caliph, Al-Amer, wrote: "We 
entrust the defense to Dahir al-Din" (Tugtakin).^ Tugtakin 
took possession of Tyre and brought in supplies of men and 
provisions such as he thought would be sufficient to protect the 

Upon the death of Baldwin I, on April 7, 1118 A.D., Baldwin 
du Bourg succeeded to the throne of Jerusalem.^ He was taken 
prisoner almost at once, in 1123 A.D., and Eustace de Grenier 
was appointed Viceroy.^ It was then that the Christian forces 
were much augmented by the arrival of a strong Venetian fleet. 

The Venetians had long enjoyed profitable commerce with the 
east, and because they were not eager to break these trade- 
relationships, they had not taken any great part in the Crusades 
up to this time. However they saw that the Genoese and 
Pisans were gaining great advantage from their connection with 
the movement, and became eager to gain the favor of the new 
kingdom and share in the spoils of the Saracens. They prepared 
a great fleet and set sail.^ An Egyptian fleet of ninety vessels 
was menacing the coast cities held by the Crusaders. The 
Venetians under Domenicho Michaeli, Doge of Venice, met the 
Egyptian fleet near Ascalon and destroyed it.'^ The presence of 
the Venetian seamen encouraged the Christians to attempt 
aggressive warfare. The leaders in council at Jerusalem decided 

1 Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 358. 

2 Abu al-Mahasin, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 493. Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 518. 
Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 564. 

3 Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 358. 
< Will. Tyr., XII, 1. 

6 Ibid., XII, 21, 23; Jaques de Vitry. Vid. P. P. T., XI, 2, 7. 
e Foulcher de Chartres, 20. 
' Will. Tyr., XII, 22-23. 


to attack either Ascalon or Tyre, but the opinion was divided 
between these two strongholds. It was therefore determined 
to settle the question by an appeal to God. In a box on the 
altar two pieces of parchment were placed; on one of these 
"Ascalon" was written, and on the other "Tyre." In the 
presence of a crowd, a child drew forth the decisive piece of 
parchment; the chance fell upon Tyre and preparations to 
besiege the city began at once.^ 

The Venetians were more concerned about their own gain 
than that of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Before beginning the 
siege they demanded that they should have a church, a street, 
a common oven and a national tribunal in every city in Palestine. 
They further demanded, besides other things, that they should 
have possession of a third of the conquered city.^ 

At this point in our record our chief authority, William of 
Tyre, gives an account of the city. After reviewing its history 
he states a number of important facts about the city as it 
then was. 

Tyre claimed sway over fourteen cities, among which were 
Acco, Sidon, Beirut, Byblus, Tripolis and Aradus.^ The 
regions near the city were of wonderful fertility, especially the 
section near to Ras al-Ain. That noble fountain overflowing 
its great stone tower-like enclosures, sent its life-giving water 
through aqueducts to irrigate the vineyards, gardens and 
orchards of the surrounding country. From the summit of this 
lofty fountain one looked over extensive fields of sugar cane, for 
Tyre had added the new industry of producing cane and making 
sugar to her other sources of wealth.* 

One of the foremost industries of the city at that time was 
the production of glass. In this industry the city easily held 
first place because of the quality of the sand there. The glass 

1 Will. Tyr., XH, 24. 

^ Will. Tyr., XII, 25, gives in full the agreement exacted by the Venetians. 

3 Will. Tyr., XIII, 2. 

' Ibid., XIII, 3; Jaques de Vitry, P. P. T., X, 2, 92; XI, 2, p. 7. 

Jaques de Vitry agrees in his description of Ras al-Ain, the surrounding 
vineyards, orchards and gardens, the walls and towers of Tyre, and the harbor. 
He adds that Tyre was abundantly supplied with fish. 


made at Tyre was of great clearness and was highly prized. 
It was exported even to remote provinces and brought fame 
to the city among distant nations. By this industry great gain 
came to the merchants. 

The city was especially difficult of attack. The approach 
by sea was perilous to those unfamiliar with these waters. The 
side of the city toward the sea was protected with a double wall 
with towers. On the side toward the mainland the walls were 
triple, and on them were towers of great height and near together. 
Across the isthmus that joined the city to the mainland, a wide 
fosse had been dug, into which the waters of the sea could be 
admitted, leaving the city an island. The inner port on the 
north was guarded by twin towers.^ 

The city was not without able defenders. She claimed the 
protection of Egypt and Damascus. Within her walls were 
noble citizens, very wealthy, especially those whose commerce 
with "all the provinces adjacent to the Mediterranean Sea" 
filled the city with riches. Then refugees from other cities had 
fled hither for safety.^ 

The siege of Tyre by the Christian forces, newly strengthened, 
began in April, 1124.^ While the Venetians blockaded the 
harbor,"* the land forces located their camps, set up their engines 
of war and began the assault. A wooden tower was built and 
missiles thrown from it did much execution. This tower was 
the center of constant and furious fighting. Showers of darts, 
javeHns and stones were ready for any of the besiegers who 
exposed themselves. But the battering rams were weakening 
the walls; besiegers and besieged fought with equal violence.^ 

Within the city seventy cavalrymen of Damascus distinguished 
themselves by their valor and aroused the Tyrians to a high 

1 Will. Tyr., XIII, 5. 

2 Ibid., XIII, 5. 

3 Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 358. 

^ The doge of Venice had under his command "forty galleys and many 
ships both great and small," according to Jaques de Vi try's account of the 
siege. Vid. P. P. T., XI, 2, p. 16. 

5 Will. Tyr., XIII, 6. 


courage.^ The men of Ascalon marched against Jerusalem, but 
the siege was not Hfted.^ The lord of Damascus, Tugtakin, 
advanced to Paneas with an army to break the siege.^ At the 
same time a fleet from Egypt sailed to the rescue of the be- 
leaguered city. The Crusaders' forces were divided into three 
parts. The first part, under the count of Tripolis and William 
de Bourg, was to go against the men of Damascus. The Vene- 
tians were to meet the Egyptian fleet, while the third part was 
to press the siege. The lord of Damascus did not wait to give 
battle, but fled. The Egyptian fleet promptly withdrew because 
of this. The Crusaders therefore returned with full force and 
new vigor to the siege .^ 

Dissension among the friends of the city aided the arms of 
her enemies. The Caliph of Egypt had yielded half of the place to 
the Sultan of Damascus in order to enlist his arms in the defense. 
But the Turks and the Egyptians were jealous of each other and 
would not fight together.^ 

When the city was almost at the point of surrender, discord 
arose among the besiegers and nearly rendered their valor and 
toil futile. The land army complained that they had to bear the 
whole burden, and threatened to remain in their tents as inactive 
as the Venetians were in their ships. But when the commander 
of the fleet appeared in camp with sailors armed with oars and 
offered to assault the walls, emulation iteplaced discord, and the 
siege was renewed with vigor.® 

At this juncture certain young men of Tyre won for them- 
selves "perennial glory among their people" by venturing beyond 
the walls and setting fire to the attacking tower of the enemy.'' 
The besiegers, taken unawares, flew to arms. They worked to 

1 Will. Tyr., XIII, 7. 

2 Ibid., XIII, 8; Foulcher de Chartres, 33. 

3 Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 358. Abu al-Mahasin, 
518. Vid. ibid.. Vol. Ill, p. 494. Sibt Ibn, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 564. 
Ibn Muyassir, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 469. 

* Will. Tyr., XIII, 9. 

^ W. Robson, Midland's Hist. Crusades, Vol. I, p. 309. 
« W. Robson, Michaud's Hist. Cru., Vol. I, p. 301. 
' Will. Tyr., XIII, 10; Foulcher de Chartres, 32. 


extinguish the flames but would have failed had it not been for 
the high courage of a young man who climbed up through the 
burning tower and finally quenched the flames. Meanwhile 
those who fired the tower were captured and put to the sword. 
Now the attack was pressed, if not with greater vigor, at least 
with greater wisdom. From Antioch an Armenian by the 
name of Havedic was brought to direct the catapults and other 
hurling devices. This man was an expert and worked with 
great effect.^ 

Then news came that Balac, most powerful of the Turks, had 
been killed^ near Hierapolis, and the soldiers renewed the attack 
with greater zeal. Meanwhile famine was abroad in the city.^ 
Suffering was extreme and the hope of outside help had failed. 
It was then, when the condition was desperate, that expert 
swimmers of Tyre, by diving cut the anchor cable of the Venetian 
guard ship, and by another cable which they had made fast, the 
ship was drawn ashore. Only five men were on board: four of 
them escaped by swimming, while one was killed.^ 

The men of Ascalon made another futile raid near Jerusalem: 
the besieging army could not be drawn off.^ 

The city resolved to surrender, but as a commercial city 
they resolved to make as good a bargain of surrender as possible. 
Tugtakin of Damascus came and arranged the terms^ with the 
captains of the army, the patriarch of Jerusalem,^ the leader of 
the Venetians, the count of Tripolis, William de Bourg and 
others. The people of Tyre were to be allowed to march out in 

1 Will. Tyr., XIII, 10-11. 

2 May 6, 1124. Kamal al-Din, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 642 
Foulcher de Chartres, 31. 

« Will. Tyr., XIII, 11; Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, 
p. 564. 

*Will. Tyr., XIII, 10-11. 

5 Will. Tyr., XIII, 10-11. 

6 Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 358. Abu al-Mahasin, 518. 
Vid. ibid.. Vol. Ill, p. 494. 

' Jaques de Vitry (P. P. T., XI, 2, pp. 15-16), in his account of the siege 
names the patriarch of Jerusalem as the leader. He says that the Tyrians 
surrendered on the condition of their lives and property being safe. 


safety with their possessions.^ Those who might wish to remain 
were to be allowed to do so upon payment of a ransom.^ 

The soldiers of Tugtakin and the Crusaders formed in two 
long lines facing each other, while the citizens marched out 
between the two armies. The citizens carried away all their 
movable possessions. They went some to Damascus, some to 
Gaza, and others elsewhere.^ Ibn el-Athir adds, "The event 
was a great calamity for Islam, for Tyre was one of the towns 
most beautiful and strong. Let us hope that the Most High 
God will bring it back again under the rule of Islam. "^ 

The conquering army entered. They were amazed at the 
fortifications of the city, the strength of the buildings, 
the height of the castles, the beauty of the port, and the 
strength of the walls. They wondered also at the bravery of 
the Tyrians who had fought not only against the military force, 
but against famine as well. "Only five measures of grain were 
found in the city."^ 

In the division of the spoils the Venetians got their third 
according to agreement. The date of the fall of the city was 
June 29, 1124.^ The Franks entered the city on July 8. It 
remained in their hands until the last days of the Kingdom of 

Four years after the siege of Tyre its archbishopric was given 
to William, Prior of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jeru^- 
salem, an Englishman reputed for learning and piety.''' When 

1 Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 565. Foulcher de 
Chartres, 34; Ibn Muj'assir gives July 13 as the date of the surrender. 

2 Will. Tyr., XIII, 13; Foulcher de Chartres, 34. 

» Abu al-Mahasin, 518. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 494. Sibt Ibn al- 
Jauzi, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 565. Ibn Muyassir, 518. Vid. ibid., Vol. 
Ill, p. 469. 

* Ibn al-Athir, 518. Vid. ibid.. Vol. I, p. 359. 

5 Will. Tyr., XIII, 14: Foulcher de Chartres, 36; Rabbi Joseph (1496- 
), Chronicles, sect. 120 (Trans. Bialloblotzky, Lond., 1836). 

6 Will. Tyr., XIII, 14. 

^ William of Tyre, XIII, 23. Not to be confused with the William, Arch- 
bishop of Tyre, who has given us our best history of the Crusades. The 
latter did not become Archbishop of Tyre until 1175. (Vid. his own account, 
XXI, 9.) 


William became Patriarch of Jerusalem, Fulcher succeeded him 
as Archbishop of Tyre.^ He was followed by Peter, Prior of the 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre.^ The next occupant of the 
archbishopric of Tyre was Frederic, Bishop of Acco.^ 

When William became Archbishop, he found that in the 
interval between his election and the death of his successor, Odo,^ 
some of the suffragan bishops, among whom was the Bishop of 
Sidon, refused to recognize the authority of Tyre. A sharp 
contest ensued between the new Archbishop and the rebellious 
bishops which was only ended by the intervention of Pope 
Innocent 11.^ In response to the Papal orders, delivered by an 
apostolic delegate,^ order was restored and the ancient authority 
of the Archbishop of Tyre was recognized/ 

Fetellus, about whom little is known except that he was 
arch-deacon of Antioch at a later date,^ wrote of Tyre circa 1130 
A.D.: "Before Tyre is the stone on which they say that Jesus 
sat,^ which remained uninjured from His time till the expulsion 
of the Gentiles from the city, but was afterwards broken by the 
Franks and also by the Venetians. Above the remains of it on 
its own site, a church has been begun in honor of the Savior.^" 
In our own time Tyre was vigorously besieged both by land and 
by sea, and was taken by the Patriarch Warmund (Gormund), 
of blessed memory, with the aid of the Venetians, by the permis- 
sion of the grace of God."" 

Baldwin II, having no son to succeed him, chose as a bride- 
groom for his eldest daughter MeHsend, the Count of Anjou, 

1 Will. Tyr., XIV, 11. 

2 Will. Tyr., XVI, 17. 
» Will. Tyr., XIX, 6. 

* Odo died in 1122 A.D., Foulcher de Chartres, 62. 

6 Will. Tyr., XIV 13-14. 

6 Will. Tyr., XV, 11. 

^Vid. above, p. 78; Will. Tyr., XIII, 2; Publ. de la Soc. de I'Or. Latin: 
Ser. Geogr., I, p. 331. 

8 Vid. P. P. T., V, 7. 

« Vid. also Jaques de Vitry, P. P. T., XI, 2, p. 16. 

1" John of Wiirzburg, c. 1160-1170, gives the story of the large marble stone 
and says that the church "has been built." P. P. T., V, 2, p. 63. 

" P. P. T., V, 50-51. 


Fulk V, who reached Acre in the spring of 1129.^ When the 
marriage was celebrated, Fulk received Tyre and Acre as his 
wife's dowry .^ Two years later Baldwin died and Fulk of 
Anjou became king. 

In the year 528 (1133-1134) Shems al-Muluk (Bouri), lord 
of Damascus, with an army, ravaged the country about Tyre 
and Acre, slaying many people and capturing others. He 
carried off much plunder.^ 

When Fulk of Anjou died in 1142 A.D., his son Baldwin III, 
who was but thirteen years of age, was solemnly consecrated and 
crowned, his mother Melisend holding the throne until his 
maturity. In 1152 he came to the throne and the realm was 
divided between himself and his mother. In the division Tyre 
and Acre with the coast fell to the young king.^ Baldwin III 
desired a closer alliance with Constantinople. He therefore sent 
envoys to beg a bride of the royal family. Manuel consented 
and sent Theodora, his niece, with a splendid dowry. Theodora 
reached Tyre in September 1159 A.D., and a few days later was 
crowned in Jerusalem.^ 

Under the rule of the Crusaders there was religious toleration 
in Tyre. Moslems, Christians, Jews and adherents of the city's 
primitive faith dwelt peaceably together. Moreover, the city's 
industries were not destroyed by the change in political control. 
The Arab historian, Idrisi, writing in 1154, says: 

"Stir is a fine city ... it is fortified . . . there is a large suburb. 
They make here long-necked vases of glass and pottery. Also a sort of 
white clothes-stuff which is imported thence to all parts, being extremely 
fine and well-woven beyond compare. The price also is very high and 
in but few neighboring countries do they make as good stuff."^ 

The prosperity of the city was still suflScient to tempt her 
enemies. In the year 550 (1155-1156) an Egyptian fleet entered 

1 Will. Tyr., XIV, 1. 

2Ibid., XIV, 2; XVI, 1-3. 

» Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 528, Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 570. 

* Will. Tyr., XVII, 13-14. 
« Ibid., XVIII, 22. 

* Idrisi. Vid. LeStrange, Palest, under Mos., p. 344. 


the port of Tyre, made a raid with fire and sword, captured 
vessels belonging to the Christians and others, and carried off 
many prisoners and much plunder.^ 

In the year 552 (August 1157) Tyre suffered from an earth- 

The testimony of a Jewish traveler of this time is of unusual 
importance. Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, in his accounts of 
his travels, 1160-1173, speaking of Tyre, says: 

" New Sur is a very beautiful city, the port of which is in the town itself 
and is guarded by two towers, within which the vessels ride at anchor. 
The officers of customs draw an iron chain from tower to tower every 
night, thus preventing any thieves or robbers from escaping by boats. 
There is no port in the world equal to this. About 400 Jews reside here. 
. . . The Jews of Sur are ship owners and manufacturers of the celebrated 
Tyrian glass. The purple dye is also found in this vicinity. If you 
mount the walls of New Sur, you may see the remains of 'Tyre the 
crowning' which was inundated by the seas; it is about a distance of a 
stone's throw^from the new town, and whoever embarks may observe the 
towers, the markets, the streets aad the halls at the bottom of the sea.^ 
The city of New Sur is very commercial, and one to which the traders 
resort from the whole world."* 

In the year 1167 an event of more than usual importance 
occurred in Tyre. The king of Jerusalem, Amaury, had sought 
alliance with Emperor Manuel of Constantinople, and to this 
end messengers had been sent to seek for him a bride. On their 
return the messengers, with the royal bride, Mary, landed at 
Tyre, and when the king learned of their success, he hastened 
to this city. The marriage was solemnized in the church at 
Tyre amid much pomp and joy.^ 

1 Ibn Muyassir, 550. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 470. 

2 Abu al-Mahasin, 552. Vid. ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 509. 

^ This statement has led to the supposition that the island was much larger 
in ancient times. However modern measurements are in agreement with 
those of the ancients. It is almost certain that what might be seen in Ben- 
jamin's time was the ruins of fallen grandeur such as Dr. Thompson speaks 
of having seen. Page 131 below. 

* Wright, Early Travels in Palestine, p. 80; Adler, Jour. Palest. Ex. Fund, 
1894, p. 288. M. N. Adler, The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, Lond., 
1907, gives both the Hebrew text and the English translation. 

sWill. Tyr., XX, 1. 


Theodorich, in his "Description of Holy Places," c. 1172, 
writes : 

"Tyre surpasses all other cities in the strength of its towers and walls. 
It has only two entrances and these are guarded by quadruple gates with 
towers on either side. It has two harbors; the inner for the ships of the 
city, and the outer for those of foreigners. Between the two harbors, 
two towers built of great masses of stone, project into the sea, having 
between them, by way of a door, a huge chain of iron . . . this door 
when closed renders entrance and exit impossible, but permits it when 
open. The city is honored by being the seat of a bishop."^ 

Joannes Phocas writes of Tyre in his account of his pilgrimage 
in 1185 A.D.: 

"After this comes Tyre which surpasses in beauty almost all of the 
cities of Phoenicia. It is built like Tripolis upon a similar peninsula, but 
is of very much greater e.xtent, and possesses much more majestic and 
beautiful buildings than the latter." 

Then follows the tradition of the stone on which the Savior 
sat, and a description of Ras al-Ain, reputed to be bottomless. 
Its overflowing waters make the meadows a mass of foliage.^ 

A very interesting account of the conditions in Tyre in the 
year 1185 A.D. has come down to us from the pen of the Arabic 
writer, Ibn Jubair. In his account of his travels he speaks of 
Tyre as follows: 

"The city is so well fortified as to be a proverb for strength. ... Its 
avenues and streets are cleaner than those of Acre. Many Moslems live 
here and they are unmolested by the infidels (Franks). The buildings 
are very large and commodious. The town is smaller than Acre. On the 
land side there are at the entrance of the city three gates, or may be four 
(one behind the other). . . . The sea gate is entered between two high 
towers, and then you come into a port than which there is none more 
wonderful among the maritime cities. Surrounding it on three sides 
are the city walls, and the fourth side is closed by a wall and an archway 
of mortared masonry, and the ships come in under the archway and 
anchor. Between the two towers before mentioned they stretch a 
mighty chain which prevents aught going in or out, and the ships can 
only pass when it is lowered. The port is always closely guarded."' 

1 P. P. T., V, 4, pp. 72-73. 

2 P. P. T., V, 3, pp. 10-11. 

» Ibn Jubair, Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 451. Vid. also LeStrange, 
Palestine under the Moslems, p. 344. 


Ibn Jubair, upon the occasion of his visit to Tyre, remained 
eleven days, as he tells us, because the boat upon which he had 
expected to sail seemed to him too small. 

While in the city he witnessed the wedding procession of 
some lady of high rank; his description of the event is of 
interest. He says that it was one of the most pompous occasions 
one could describe. 

"All the Christian men and women joined in the fete. They arranged 
themselves in two lines before the door of the bride. They sounded 
trumpets, flutes and all kinds of musical instruments. They thus at- 
tended the bride who was conducted by two men, one on either side, who 
seemed to be relations. She was splendidly decked and wore a magnificent 
gown of silk and gold. On her head was a diadem of gold, covered by 
a bridal veil of golden lace. Thus clad she advanced in stately fashion 
as a turtle dove, or a cloud floating on a breeze. God save us from the 
seduction of such a spectacle! She was preceded by Christian men clad 
in gorgeous flowing robes, and followed by Christian women in robes 
equally beautiful. . . . The procession was led by musicians, while 
spectators both Christian and Moslem stood everywhere, looking on 
without a word of disapprobation. The cortege went thus to the house 
of the bridegroom into which they brought the bride, and where all 
passed the day in banqueting. Such was the magnificent spectacle 
(God save us from the seduction of it!) which we by chance beheld."^ 

Referring again to his visit he says, •^" During our sojourn at 
Tyre we found repose only in a mosque which remains in the 
hands of our brethren, — they have others there. "^ 

The Kingdom of Jerusalem was in a state of decline; and it 
was being attacked by one of the most remarkable warriors of 
that age, Saladin. The Tyrians had opportunity to know of 
his prowess before being called upon to resist him at their own 
gates; for when he besieged Beirut in the summer of 1182, a 
fleet of thirty-three galleys was made ready at Tyre and Acre to 
go to the rescue of the besieged city.^ Success continued with 
the arms of Saladin. Meanwhile William, Archbishop of Tyre, 
was in the west successfully appealing for reinforcements. 
Conrad, Marquis of Montferrat, on his way from Constantinople 
dropped his sails outside of the city of Acre, and as it was near 

1 Ibn Jubair, Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 353. 

2 Will. Tyre, XXII, 18; Archer and Kingsford, Crusades, p. 259. 


sunset, lay to await the morning. But finding that the city was 
in the hands of the enemy and that his fleet was in danger of 
being captured, he sailed away in the night to Tyre.^ He found 
the city at the point of surrendering before what was believed 
to be the resistless might of Saladin. The citizens implored his 
help in their defense. He agreed to defend the city on condition 
that he should have the rule over it when he had saved it from 
the enemy. The conditions were accepted and the city prepared 
for siege.^ 

"The sultan," in the words of an Arabic historian, "having 
established his supremacy on a firm basis both at Jerusalem and 
on the coast, resolved to march against Tyre, for he knew that 
if he delayed in this undertaking, it would be very diflBcult to 
carry it to a successful issue. He repaired first to Acre where he 
stopped to inspect the city, and then set out for Tyre on Friday 
the fifth of Ramadan (Nov. 8, 1187). When he came before the 
city he pitched his camp."^ 

Our Arabic historian accounts for a pause in the plans of 
Saladin as "pending the arrival of his instruments of war."^ 
But the historians on the other side give a different version. 
William of Tyre tells us that when Saladin arrived with his 
army, he found the city impregnable. Realizing the futility 
of assault, he promised Conrad that if he would surrender Tyre, 
he would release his father whom he held captive. The marquis 
responded that he would not surrender the least stone of Tyre. 
Whereupon Saladin, finding force and arts alike futile, withdrew.^ 

1 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, Itinerary of Richard I, I, 7; for an English transla- 
tion vid. Chronicles of the Crusades, p. 69 ff., Lond., 1848. Vid. also Will. 
Tyr., XXIII, 17-18; Abu al-Fida, 583. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 57. Ibn al- 
Athir, 583. Vid. ibid.. Vol. I, p. 695. 

^ Jaques de Vitry, P. P. T., X, 2, 104; Abu al-Fida, 583. Vid. R. H. C. 
Or., Vol. I, p. 57. Ibn al-Athir, 538. Vid. ibid.. Vol. I, p. 696. 

»Bahaal-Din (1137-1193), Life of Saladin, P. P. T., XIII, 120. Abu al- 
Fida, 584 (Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 58), and Ibn al-Athir, 583, give as the 
date Saladin's arrival, Nov. 12, 1187. Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 707. 

* Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 120. 

5 Will. Tyr., XXIII, 18. Geoffrey de Vinsauf (I, 7) yielding somewhat 
to imagination and as much to prejudice, says of this event, "The Sultan 
besieged Tyre but was disgracefully repulsed." 


However he soon reappeared before Tyre and began the siege. 
He summoned his son, Mahk al-Zahir, from Aleppo.^ As soon 
as the movable towers and engines of war arrived, they were set 
in position against the walls. Malik al-Adil, brother of Saladin, 
was summoned from Jerusalem.^ 

In order if possible to avoid the hardships of siege and assault, 
Saladin brought forward Conrad's father, whom he was still 
holding as a prisoner, in the hope that the son would give up the 
city for the life of the father,^ First he offered the exchange, 
showing him his father in chains. At once Conrad seized a 
balista and shot a shaft in a pretended effort to kill his father.^ 
When they threatened to slay the father he answered that by all 
means it should be done not only because of the father's sins 
but in order that he might have the honor of being the son of a 

Then the assault of the city began.^ Perrieres and mangonals 
began to be used day and night.^ The Tyrians made frequent 
sallies.^ Among those who distinguished themselves for their 
valor none was more remarkable than a Spanish warrior known 
as the Green Knight. Clad in chain armor he wrought prodigies 
of valor and might to the terror of the Saracens.^ 

The Franks from boats on either side of the isthmus were 
able to fight effectively against the attacking army. Saladin 
therefore brought ten Egyptian galleys from Acre and blockaded 
the port. The fleet was commanded by Al-Faris Bedran.^ At 
the request of Conrad, the count of Tripolis equipped twenty gal- 
leys and sent them to rescue Tyre, but a storm drove them 
back.'^ The city was now suffering not only from continued 

1 Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 120. Ibn al-Athir, 583, says that Saladin's 
brother, Adil, and his two sons, Afdal and Al-Zahir, were present. Vid. R. 
H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 708. 

2 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, 1, 10. Will. Tyr., XXIII, 29. 

3 Geof. de Vins., 1, 10. Gibbon, Decline and Fall, Edition of Milman, New 
York, 1882, Vol. VI, p. 28 ff. 

^ Will. Tyr., XXIII, 29. 

5 Will. Tyr., XXIII, 29. 

6 Ibn al-Athir, 583. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 708. Baha al-Din, P. P. 
T., XIII, 120. Will. Tyr., XXIII, 29. 

7 Will. Tyr., XXIII, 30. 


assaults, but from hunger. A letter from the east to the Master 
of Hospitalers represents Tyre as on the point of surrendering 
to Saladin. Of the besieging army the writer with delightful 
exaggeration says, "So great is the multitude of the Saracens 
and Turks that from Tyre they cover the face of the earth as 
far as Jerusalem, like an innumerable army of ants."^ 
Baha al-Din says : 

"Abd al-Muhsin, the High Admiral, had instructed the ships to be 
watchful and vigilant that the enemy might not find any opportunity 
of doing them harm, but they neglected this good advice and omitted 
to keep a good watch during the night. Therefore the infidel (Crusaders' ) 
fleet came out of the harbor of Tyre, fell upon them unawares and took 
five of their ships with two captains and killed a great number of Moslem 

The other vessels were run aground and destroyed. 

The Moslem army, seeing the engagement by sea, supposed 
that the walls had been left without defenders. They there- 
fore attacked the town with all haste. ^ Their troops were 
scaling the walls when the marquis ordered the gates opened.^ 
Followed by Hugh of Tiberias and other noble knights, he went 
forth and fell upon the astonished army with great slaughter. 

Saladin was much cast down by the turn of events,^ and as it 
was now the beginning of winter, and torrents of rain were 
falling, his troops could fight no longer. He summoned his 
amirs to a council of war, and they advised to strike camp so as 
to give his soldiers a little rest, and make preparations for 
renewing the siege in the spring. He accepted the advice and 
ordered the implements of war dismounted, and all that could 
not be taken away to be burned. He took his departure on the 
second of the month Dhu al-K'ada in the same year^ (January 3, 

' D. C. Munro, Original Sources of European Hist., I, 3. 

2 Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 120; Abu al-Fida, 584, vid. R. H. C. Or., 
Vol. I, p. 58. Ibn el-Athir, 583. Vid. ibid., Vol. I, p. 709. 

» Geoffrey de Vinsauf, I, 10. Will. Tyr., XXIII, 31. Ibn al-Athir appar- 
ently referring to this event, says that the Franks made a sortie one day and 
an unusually hard battle followed. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 710. 

* Jaques de Vitry, P. P. T., XI, 2, 26. 

6 Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 122. Vid. also Ibn al-Athir, 583, where the 
date is given as Jan. 1, 1188. (R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 710.) 


1188). Such is the account of the siege as given by Baha al-Din. 

When the fortress of Arnaud fell, May 3, 1189, the Franks, 
led by the governor of Sidon, came to Tyre.^ 

Saladin was holding Guy de Lusignan, King of Jerusalem, 
among his prisoners. Perhaps he feared that a more able prince 
would be chosen to lead the reinforcements from the west, or that 
the presence of Guy would bring discord among his foes. How- 
ever that may be, Saladin released Guy from his chains after 
having exacted from him a solemn oath that he would renounce 
his kingdom and return to Europe.^ 

The Arabic historian Baha al-Din gives an interesting account 
of the release of Guy and his appearance before Tyre. He says: 

"The Sultan had promised to set the King of Jerusalem at liberty on 
his ceding Ascalon to him, and as the king had caused his officers to 
surrender this place, and demanded to be released, the Sultan suffered 
him to depart from Antarsus (Antaradus) where he had been kept 
prisoner.^ , . . Among the conditions imposed upon the king was that 
he should never again draw sword against him, and should always con- 
sider himself the servant and bondman of his liberator. The King (God 
curse him!) broke his word and collected forces with which he marched 
to Tyre."" 

But Conrad had ambitions of his own. At this time there was a 
brilliant company of Crusaders in the city, for Saladin had 
allowed the Franks from the cities that fell into his hands to 
depart with their wealth to Tyre.^ The Tyrians were not willing 
to forsake the standards of a leader who had saved their city in 
an hour of extreme peril, to follow the command of one who had 
been unable to keep his kingdom. 

"As he was unable to gain admittance to the city, he camped outside 
the walls and entered into negotiations with the marquis (Conrad). . . . 

1 Baha al-Din, 585. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, 397 ff. This fortress was 
on the Orontes, 18 miles N. E. of Tyre. (R. H. C. Or., Vol. Ill, p. 395.) 

2 W. Robson, Michaud's History of the Crusades, I, p. 453. 

' Geoffrey de Vinsauf, I, 26, says that Guy was released from Damascus 
where he had been kept prisoner for a year and that "he was released from 
the bond of his oath by the clergy." 

^ Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 144. 

6 Ibn al-Athir, 585. Vid R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 3. 


The marqujs, a man accursed of God, was an important personaeje, dis- 
tinguished by his good judgment, the energy and decision of his character, 
and his religious zeal. . . . Finally an aUiance was made, but the king's 
army remained outside of Tyre."^ 

However there were those in the city who favored the cause 
of Guy and resented the position of the marquis. This was 
notably true of the Pisans who held no small part of the city. 
These with others withdrew and joined the king's army.^ 

Then the marquis fell ill, and fearing that he had been poisoned, 
he issued a harsh edict against the physicians. Innocent men 
were put to death upon suspicion. The king was urged to 
attack the city. Instead he assembled all his forces (not more 
than 9000 men) and marched against Acre, the siege of which 
began in August, 1189.^ 

English, German and French recruits in large numbers 
reached Acre, many of them landing first at Tyre; and the 
marquis was induced to support the siege with a fleet from Tyre.^ 
However, he withdrew secretly at a time inopportune for the 
besiegers, and the besieged city enjoyed open connection with 
the sea, if we may believe an historian not friendly to him.^ 
After a time he was induced to return with his fleet by the 
promise that in return for his loyal support, Tyre, Sidon and 
Beirut would be given to him. The Christian forces then won 
a great sea fight off the coast of Acre.^ 

While the siege of Acre was in progress an event occurred 
which brought sorrow to the hearts of the Crusaders. The 
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa of Germany perished in the waters 
of the River Selef .^ Bereft of their mighty leader, only a remnant 

1 Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 144. 

2 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, I, 26. This account shows strong pro-English and 
anti-French feelings. He was clearly an eye-witness of many of the thrilling 
scenes he recounts. 

» Ibid., I, 29. 

* Ibid., I, 33. 

» Ibid., I, 34. 

« Robson, Michaud's History of the Crusades, 1,449; Sepp, Meerfahrt nach 
Tyrus, p. 280. The Selef is a small but swift stream flowing near Seleucia 
(Selevkia, Selef kia), port of Antioch. 


of his conquering army succeeded in reaching Acre. The body 
of Frederick was taken to Tyre and laid to rest in the Crusaders' 
Church there.^ 

The marquis, Conrad, aspired to the throne of the Kingdom of 
Jerusalem. When Sybilla, wife of Guy, died, the next heir in 
royal lineage was Isabel, wife of Humphry of Toron. The 
marquis induced her to forsake her husband and marry him. 
He then claimed that, as Guy had been king only by virtue of his 
marriage, and as his royal wife was now dead, the throne now 
rightly belonged to himself and Isabel. The pilgrims, especially 
the English, were much displeased, but could do nothing, for 
Tyre was the only place at which they could secure provisions.^ 

While the fearful siege of Acre was in progress, the crusading 
forces were quarrelling about the tottering throne.^ Both 
Richard, King of England, and Philip, King of France, had 
part in the siege. The king of England favored the claim of 
Guy while the king of France favored that of Conrad. It was 
finally agreed that, as the marquis was heir to the throne by 
marriage, he should have the government of Tyre, Sidon and 
Beirut with the title of Count. It was further agreed that, 
should Guy die first, the crown should go to Conrad, but in the 
event of the death of the marquis and his wife. King Richard 
should have the disposal of the throne if he were in those parts.'* 

Acre fell July 12, 1191.^ Shortly after its fall, Philip returned 
to France, but the discord between the English and French 
forces continued. The king of England summoned the marquis 
to go to Acre, taking with him the hostages that had been en- 

1 Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, I, p. 449. Excavations by 
Sepp and Grutz in 1874 at the cost of the German government failed to locate 
his tomb. Vid. Conder and Kitchener, Survey of Western Palestine, I, p. 74. 

2 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, I, 64; Anon., Chron. de Terre Sainte, I, 51. Vid. 
Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Serie Hist., Vol. V, p. 14. 

^ Richard of Divizes, Chronicle of Richard, 69. — For English translation 
vid. Chronicles of the Crusaders, London, 1848. Jaquesde Vitry, P. P. T., X, 
2, 110. 

^ Geoffrey de Vinsauf, III, 20. 

^ Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades, p. 326. Robson, Michaud's Hist, 
of the Crusades, I, p. 481. 


trusted to him, that they might be ransomed. He refused to 
put himself into the hands of Richard. A second embassy 
demanded that he appear and give active aid in estabhshing 
the kingdom whose throne he sought, and that he cease hindering 
those who would bring provision from Tyre to the Christian 
army at Acre. The embassy succeeded only in securing the 
hostages to be ransomed. The marquis remained at Tyre.^ 

The Crusaders elsewhere took sides in this dispute. In Acre 
the Pisans, who favored Guy, and the Genoese, adherents of 
Conrad, came to arms. The Genoese sent to the marquis 
asking him to come at once, and prepared to deliver over the 
city to him. The marquis came with his galleys and a force of 
armed men under the command of the Duke of Burgundy. 
While the Pisans were withstanding these, they sent to Richard 
who was at Caesarea. He hurried forward, and upon learning 
of his approach, Conrad hastened back to Tyre with his fleet, 
while the Duke of Burgundy withdrew with the soldiers by 

In this division each side feared that the other would make 
alliance with the forces of Saladin.^ 

As Tyre was the center of the French influence, so Ascalon 
became the center of the English. French soldiers who had 
remained in the army of Richard were summoned by the marquis 
to leave Ascalon and report at Tyre in accordance with their 
oath of allegiance to the king of France.^ Seven hundred men 
obeyed the summons in spite of the entreaties of Richard.^ 

In Tyre the soldiers reveled in luxury and wantonness. They 
decked themselves in jewels and gold, and abandoned themselves 
to dancing women, amatory songs, wine and prostitutes.^ 

» Geoffrey de Vinsauf, IV, 3. 

2 Ibid., V, 10; Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, I, p. 493. 

' Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades, pp. 327 ff. Vid. also Geof. de Vin., 
V, 24; Will. Tyr., XXIV, 14; Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, I, 
p. 493. 

* Geoffrey de Vinsauf, V, 13. 

6 Ibid., V, 14. 

« Ibid., V, 20. The immoralities of many of the Crusaders were a standing 
reproach to Christendom; but see note 2 on page 108 above. 


In the spring of 1192 news of grave disorders reached Richard, 
and made it imperative that he should return to England as soon 
as possible.^ He called a conference of the nobles and asked 
whether they wished Conrad or Guy to hold the kingdom. It was 
recognized that continuation of the division meant the loss of all. 
It was felt that Guy had not shown himself strong enough to 
conquer. Therefore "the whole army, high and low, entreated 
on their bended knees that the marquis should have the throne," 
much to the disgust of the historian quoted.^ 

Richard assented, though reluctantly. A decree of unanimous 
election was issued, and men of high rank were sent to notify 
the marquis of the good news.^ 

Upon receiving the news, the marquis was much pleased. 
Tyre was filled with rejoicing: preparations were made for a 
coronation worthy of the city.^ Other cities prepared to cooper- 
ate, for it was everywhere seen that the settlement of the internal 
strife was essential to the life of the kingdom. 

But on Monday, April 27th, Conrad went to dine with Philip, 
Bishop of Beauvais. As he returned from the bishop's house, 
two men met him in the way, one of whom offered him a letter. 
While he was thus off his guard, the two young men, "Assassins," 
stabbed him with daggers and ran off at full speed. The marquis 
fell from his horse and rolled dying upon the ground. One of 
the Assassins was slain at once : the other took shelter in a church 
but was brought forth and condemned to be dragged through the 
city until dead. Before dying he confessed, according to de 
Vinsauf, that the crime had been committed at the order of the 
Old Man of the Mountains.^ 

1 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, V, 22. 

2 Ibid., V, 23. 

3 Ibid., V, 24. 
* Ibid., V, 25. 

^ For an account of this and of the practises of the Old Man of the Moun- 
tains and his sect of Assassins, see Geoffrey de Vinsauf, V, 26; Will. Tyr., 
I, 14, 19, 20, 21; Joinville's Memoirs of Louis IX.— Vid. Chron. of Cru- 
sades, pp. 470 ff.;Macdonald, Muslim Theology, pp. 49, 169-170; Encyc. of 
Islam (Lej^den and London, 1913- ), s. v. Assassins. 

Ibn al-Athir in his account states that one of the Assassins fled into a church, 


While Conrad was dying, attendants carried him into his 
palace where he soon expired. Intense gloom filled the city 
that so lately had been filled with joy.^ 

An ugly rumor was spread abroad that the king of England 
had instigated the assassination.^ Ibn al-Athir states that 
Saladin had hired Sinan, chief of the "Assassins," offering him 
ten thousand pieces of gold to have Richard and Conrad both 
slain; but the chief did not wish both Richard and Conrad out 
of the way lest Saladin should turn against him. However, he 
ordered the death of Conrad.^ 

Baha al-Din's account of the death of Conrad is as follows: 

"On the sixth of the month Rabi'a II (May 1, 1192), we received a 
dispatch from our envoy accredited to the marquis, announcing that 
the prince had been assassinated, and his soul hurled by God into hell-fire. 
It came about in the following manner: On Tuesday, the 13th of the 
month, he dined with the bishop, and left with a very small escort. Two 
of his servants then rushed upon him and kept stabbing him with their 
daggers till life left the body. They were at once arrested and questioned, 
when they declared that they had been hired by the king of England. 
Two of the marquis's officers assumed command in chief, and provided 
for the protection of the citadel, until further information of the occurrence 
could reach the Christian princes. Matters were then arranged and 
order was restored in the city."* 

After the burial of the marquis, the French who lived outside 
of the city to the number of about ten thousand, demanded of 
the widow that the city be given them for the service of the 
king of France.^ She refused to do this, saying that, in accord- 

and that Conrad was carried into the church that his wounds might be attended 
to, whereupon the Assassin sprang upon him and stabbed him to death. 

1 Will. Tyr., XXIV, 14;Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, I, p. 494. 

2 Will. Tyr., XXIV, 14; Geoffrey de Vins., V, 26; Richard of Devizes, 95. 
Whether the rumor had its origin in fact or in suspicion of the French cannot 
be known. Gibbon says, " I cannot believe that a soldier so fearless and free 
with his lance as Richard, would have descended to whet a dagger against 
his valiant brother, Conrad de Montferrat." Decline and Fall, Edition of Mil- 
man, Vol. VI, p. 32. Vid. also Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, I, 
p. 495, and Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades, p. 340. 

' Ibn al-Athir, 588. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, pp. 58-59. 

* Baha al-Din, P. P. T., XIII, 332-333. 

* Geoffrey de Vinsauf, V, 28. Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades, p. 341. 


ance with her husband's dying wish, she should yield the city 
only to the king of England. There was uncertainty as to 
whether English or French influence would dominate. However, 
almost at once Count Henry of Campagne arrived at Tyre and 
the people forthwith chose him as their prince, " as though he 
had been sent of God."^ They entreated him to marry the 
widow who was rightful heir to the kingdom, and accept the 
crown. The matter was so arranged and the same ambassadors 
that carried to Richard the formal notice of the assassination of 
the marquis, carried also the news of the solemn election of 
Count Henry by all the people.^ Henry withheld his consent 
to the plan until the mind of Richard should be known. Richard 
gave his consent,^ and the wedding was solemnized in the presence 
of the clergy and the laity. The nuptials were celebrated with 
royal magnificence. The city was full of joy, and as the count 
was the nephew of both the king of England and the king of 
France, happier times were hoped for and a return of peace and 

Having left proper persons in charge of affairs at Tyre, Henry 
went forth to campaign for the recovery of the kingdom from 
the Turks.^ He accomplished but little; however by the terms of 
peace arranged by Richard and Saladin, which marked the end 
of this Crusade, the coast from Tyre to Jaffa remained in the 
hands of the Crusaders.^ Richard sailed for England almost at 
once. The death of Saladin occurred in 1193.^ 

Tyre had suffered greatly in her commercial and industrial 
life. Her prosperity had always rested on her manufacturing 
and commerce. But as a Christian city she could have no 
great commerce with the Saracens by land, and the Genoese 
and Egyptians held the preeminence in the seas. It is evident 
that Tyre still had her slave market, for when Conrad was 

1 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, V, 28, 34. 

2 Will. Tyr., XXXIV, 15; Ibn al-Athir, 588. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, 
p. 59. 

3 Geoffrey de Vinsauf, V, 36. 

* Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, I, p. 500. 
5 Will. Tyr., XXVI, 17. 


holding the city, " the king of France sold to him all his captives 
alive."^ Tyre had also her mint.^ 

In the year 588 A. H. (1192-1193) a troop of cavalry from Tyre 
reinforced by fifty men from Acre, made a raid on Moslem terri- 
tory but the soldiers charged with guarding this territory fell on 
them and killed fifteen, and the troops fled back to Tyre.^ 

After the death of Saladin, the strife among his successors 
was such that the Christian cities remained undisturbed for a 
time. However, a new Crusade had been preached in the west. 
Large numbers of German Crusaders began to arrive at Acre. 
Counsels of prudence were unavailing to restrain the new warri- 
ors, and their aggressions were quickly returned. In 1197 Jaffa 
fell before Malik al-Adil.^ 

The Crusaders determined to attack the city of Beirut. 
In this place were gathered large numbers of Frank captives and 
here was stored vast plunder gathered by piracy upon the 
Christian shipping. The armies of the Saracens and the 
Crusaders met on the plain between Tyre and Sidon at the river 
Eleutherus, and after a hard-fought contest, victory rested with 
the Crusaders. The opposing army was broken and put to rout. 
Sidon, Laodicea and Gebal, as well as Beirut, with vast stores 
of provisions and plunder, fell into the hands of the Christians.^ 

The only possession on the coast between Ascalon and Antioch 
now left in the hands of the enemy was the strong castle of 
Toron, near Tyre. Moslem troops from this fortress had 
marched against Tyre and laid waste her dependent territory.^ 
The Crusaders decided to besiege it and to this end set forth 
from Tyre.'^ The castle on its lofty height was almost impreg- 
nable. Saxon miners finally succeeded in cutting passages under 
the walls and the defenders began to despair. They were ready 

' Richard of Devizes, 69. 

2 Baha al-Din, in Rec. Hist. Crois. Orient., Ill, 8, 19, 101. 

3 Baha al-Din, 588. 

* Will. Tyr., XXVII, 4. 

5 Arnold of Leubeck, V, 3; Roger de Hoveden, 722; Abu al-Fida, 594. Vid. 
R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 74. 

8 Ibn al-Athir, 593. Vid. ibid., Vol. II, p. 87. 

^ Ibn al-Athir, 593, gives the date of the attack upon Toron, Dec. 13, 1197. 


to surrender and would have done so had they beheved their lives 
safe in the hands of the victors. Fearing for their lives, they 
fought with the courage of despair. There was division in the 
councils of the besiegers. Rumors that Malik al-Adil at the head 
of an army was coming to avenge his former defeat led the 
leaders to a decision to raise the siege. They deceived their own 
soldiers by withdrawing in the night. The next day the army 
in great confusion retreated to Tyre.^ Recriminations followed. 
The Germans withdrew to Joppa and many of them were recalled 
to Germany within a short time; the rest were surprised and 
massacred.^ For a few years the coast cities had peace. 

It was in the same year as the siege of the fortress that Henry 
died and Amalric of Cyprus became king of Jerusalem, by 
marrying the queen.^ 

In the year 1201 (May 7- June 4) a destructive earthquake 
affected Tyre.^ Another earthquake in 600 A. H. (1203-1204) 
ruined the wall surrounding the city.^ 

When Amalric died in 1205,® the throne passed to Mary, the 
eldest daughter of Isabel by Conrad of Tyre. Upon invitation 
the king of France chose John de Brienne as her husband. 
Attended by three hundred knights he arrived at Acre, September 
14, 1210. A week later he was crowned with his bride at Tyre.^ 

In 1217 the soldiers of a new Crusade arrived at Acre, led by 
the king of Hungary. Attaching importance to pilgrimages as 
well as to war, these Crusaders in December went to visit the 
holy places of Tyre and Sidon. They were attacked by Moslem 

1 Arnold of Lubeck, VI, 4-5; Roger de Hoveden, 773; Robson, Michaud's 
Hist, of the Crusades, II, pp. 23-38; Ibn al-Athir, 593; Mills, Hist. Cm., pp. 

2 November 11, 1196. Mills, Hist. Cru., p. 172; Robson, Michaud's Hist. 
Crusades, II, p. 29. 

3 Ibn al-Athir, 593. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 88. Will. Tyr., II, 16. 
^ Ibn al-Athir, 597. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 90. 

* Ibid., 600. Vid. ibid., Vol. II, p. 96. Abu al-Fida, 600. Vid. ibid., Vol. 
I, p. 83. 

6 Will. Tyr., XXX, 11. 

' Sanutus, 205-206; Archer and Kingsford, The Crusades, p. 373; Chron. 
de Terre Sainte, I, 67, Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Serie Hist., V, 18. 


forces who cut down great numbers of them. Others perished 
from cold, and only a few got back to Acre.^ 

In the spring reinforcements came from the west and an 
attack upon Damietta, as the key to Egypt, was determined 
upon. The war was continued until 1221, and was concluded 
upon terms unfavorable to the Christians.^ 

The following facts explain a further long contest between the 
warring factions of Crusaders, in which Tyre was repeatedly in- 
volved. Isabelle, daughter of John Brienne, was heir to the throne 
through her mother Mary. Alice of Cyprus also claimed the 
throne, and her cause was favored by John of Ibelin and his 
brother, Philip of Ibelin. At the appeal of John Brienne, the 
Pope authorized the marriage of Emperor Frederick of Germany 
to Isabelle. Frederick arrived at Acre in 1225, and preparations 
were made for the marriage and coronation. He proceeded to 
Tyre where the marriage and coronation were solemnized by 
Simon, Archbishop of Tyre. The wedding festivities continued 
fifteen days, and then Isabelle bid farewell to "sweet Syria" 
and sailed for the west with Frederick.^ 

In 1229 Emperor Frederick of Germany returned at the head 
of a new army of Crusaders.^ With Frederick was his little son, 
Conrad, who was heir to the throne of Jerusalem. They came to 
Tyre and were welcomed amid great rejoicing. Frederick made 
peace with the Moslems on February 12, 1229. The interests 
of his kingdom soon required him to return to the west. He 
therefore made Richard Philanger lord of Tyre to hold it in his 
stead. ^ 

But John of Ibelin, lord of Beirut, laid claim to the crown of 

1 Will. Tyr., XXXI, 10-12; Anon., Gesta Crucigerorum Rhenanorum, 

Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Ser. Hist., II, p. 35; Vincentius Bellovacensis ( 

1144), Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Ser. Hist., Ill, 99. 

2 Will. Tyr., XXXII, 16. 

Anon., Chron. Terre Sainte, I, 82-91, Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Ser. Hist., 
V, 21-23. Philippe de Navaire, Estoire de la Guere entre TEmperor Frederic 
et John d' Ibelin, 116, Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Ser. Hist., V, 33. 

*Will. Tyr., XXXII, 16; Philippe Navau-e, 137; Vid. Pub. Soc. Orient 
Lat., Ser. Hist., V, 48; Ibn al-Athir, 625. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 171. 

' Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 8; PhU. Nav., 205. 


Jerusalem. He went to Acre and sought aid against Tyre. 
Men and provisions were furnished by the Genoese, and with 
these he besieged Tyre by land and by sea: but in a short time 
troubles elsewhere caused him to raise the siege.^ 

When John of Ibelin besieged and captured the Chateau 
Cherines in Cyprus, those who wished to go to Tyre were given 
safe conduct for themselves and their possessions. At Tyre an 
exchange of prisoners was arranged. John exchanged Tyrian 
prisoners held at Acre for prisoners held at Tyre by Richard.^ 

At a later time Richard withdrew from Tyre, leaving his 
brother Lotier to guard the city.^ Belian of Sidon and Philip 
of Toron assembled forces at Acre against Tyre.^ Raoul de 
Soissons, husband of Alice of Cyprus who claimed to be right- 
ful queen, proceeded to Tyre. The forces of Belian and 
Philip appeared before the city and, after a battle, the city sur- 
rendered.^ Richard returned only to fall into the hands of 
Belian and Philip.^ John of Ibelin attempted in vain to take 
the city.'' Raoul de Soissons came to Tyre and demanded of 
Belian and Philip that the city be given to him and to his queen 
to hold with the other places of the kingdom, but they refused 
to recognize his claim.^ In the final adjustment, BeHan of Sidon 
withdrew and Philip held Tyre. 

At the same time there was a continued struggle between the 
Moslem forces, of Egypt and Damascus. At length in 1240 
Isma'il, who was in power at Damascus, fearing that he would 
not be able alone to resist Ayyub of Egypt, sought alliance 
with the Crusaders against his co-religionists.^ Upon learning 
of this Ayyub summoned the Kharesmians, a wild Turkish tribe 
from the region of the Tigris, to come to his aid. These coming 

1 Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 20-35. 

2 Phil. Nav., 209. 

3 Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 52; Phil. Nav., 224. 
^ Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 52; Phil. Nav., 227. 
5 Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 52; Phil. Nav., 227. 
« Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 55; Phil. Nav., 228. 
' Phil. Nav., 228. 

8 Will. Tyr., XXIII, 53; PhiL Nav., 230. 

9 Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 48. 


wrought great havoc. They captured Jerusalem in 1244 and 
desecrated holy places with acts of mockery and cruelty.^ 

The desecration of Jerusalem and the aggression of the Sultan 
of Egypt were the call for a new Crusade, which was led by Louis 
IX of France, 1248-1254. 

In all these stirring events Tyre had almost no part. She 
was held by the Crusaders, but the great bulk of the commerce 
and wealth had been transfered to Acre. These contests were 
almost wholly land contests, whereas her strength to bear arms 
was always on the sea. There were no inducements for her 
enemies to molest her while the difficulties of success were so 
great, and the promise of plunder so small as compared with 
other cities. 

The Crusade of Louis IX was directed first against Egypt. 
After his capture and ransom, he visited and fortified Joppa, 
Acre and Sidon.^ Before sailing for Europe, he paid a passing 
visit to Tyre of which Sir Philip de Montfort was lord. ^ 

The presence of Louis restored a temporary peace among the 
Crusaders, but after his departure it was soon broken. Philip 
secured the service of fifty-two Genoese vessels against Acre 
(c. 1258),^ while he marched at the head of a small land force.^ 
Seeing the fleet worsted, Philip returned to Tyre.^ 

Anarchistic conditions continued. In 1260 a naval battle 
was fought off the coast of Tyre by Venetian and Genoese fleets.^ 
In the same year Julian, lord of Sidon, had a quarrel with Philip 
and ravaged the country round Tyre.^ 

The struggles of rival amirs for supremacy in Egypt gave the 
Christian cities of the coast a brief respite from Moslem attacks 

1 Will. Tyr., XXXIII, 56; Chron. du Temple de Tyr., 252, Pub. Soc. Orient 
Lat., Ser. Hist., Vol. V, p. 245. 

2 Joinville, Memoires, 358; vid. Chron. of Crusades, p. 506. 

3 Ibid. 

* Phil. Nav., 281. 
6 Phil. Nav., 283. 
« Phil. Nav., 284-285. 
^ Phil. Nav., 288. 

8 Anon., Chron. Tempi, de Tyr., 304, Pub. Soc. Orient Lat., Ser. Hist., V, 
p. 163. 


in the years immediately following the departure of Louis IX. 
But in 1260 a new danger threatened Moslems and Christians 
alike. In that year Hulagu, at the head of a horde of Mongols, 
invaded Syria.^ The Christians looked upon them at first as 
allies against the Moslems, Later when Hulagu had with- 
drawn, leaving Kitbugha in command, hostilities broke out, and 
war was declared against the Christians. Sidon was laid in 
ruins and Acre was threatened. The Mongols, unable to with- 
stand the Moslems of Egypt, withdrew. Then the command 
of Egypt passed into the hands of Baibars. The Christian cities 
soon saw his military genius and power; they knew also their 
own weakness and therefore sought peace. Baibars took 
advantage of their rivalries. When he had determined upon 
attacking the city of Acre, the lord of Tyre together with the 
Genoese, was to move against the city with a great fleet while 
he made his land attack.^ Baibars appeared with his army but 
his new allies did not keep their agreement, and he withdrew in 
great rage. 

Although the victorious arms of Baibars should have served 
as a warning of the fast approaching end of the Kingdom of 
Jerusalem, the Christian cities continued to fight against each 
other. In 1264 fifty Venetian galleys besieged Tyre of which 
Philip of Montfort was still lord. In its defense the city had 
aid from the favorable faction at Acre. When the Venetians 
saw that they could not take the city, they withdrew. The 
Genoese succeeded in capturing the supplies from Venice, which 
had been sent for the galleys of their rivals.^ 

The fortress of Arnaud fell again before the Moslems on April 
12, 1268, and the Christian inhabitants were allowed to withdraw 
to Tyre^ as in 1189. 

Baibars made a hostile visit to Tyre in 667 (1268-1269), ac- 
cording to an Arabic historian, under the following circumstances. 
As he was returning from Damascus to Egypt, a woman met him 

1 Chron. Temp. Tyr., 299, P. S. O. L., V, 160. 

* Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, Vol. Ill, p. 13. 
» Will. Tyr., XXXIV, 4. 

* Bedr al-Din, 666. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 177. 


and complained that her son had been in Tyre and that the 
lord of the Franks in that city had traitorously arrested him and 
put him to death, taking his provisions. The Sultan directed 
an expedition against Tyre and slew many people. When the 
lord of the city sent to know the cause of this aggression, he was 
charged with this perfidy.^ 

On September 24, 1269, Tyre was the scene of the coronation 
of Hugh III, of Cyprus, as King of Jerusalem. The shadowy 
authority conferred upon him was held for seven years.^ After 
his coronation he gave his sister in marriage to John of Montfort, 
brother of Philip, and made John lord of Tyre in Philip's stead.^ 

Egypt hastened the downfall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem by 
treating with the cities separately. Ibn al-Athir states that in 
the year 669 (1270-1271) the lord of Tyre made a treaty with 
the sultan of Egypt by which the city was to have certain dis- 
tricts of the adjacent territory, the sultan certain districts, and 
others were to be under their joint authority.^ 

In 1270, if we may believe the author of the Chronicle of the 
Temple of Tyre, Baibars, Sultan of Egypt, finding that Philip 
of Montfort, lord of Tyre, was the real bulwark of the Christian 
forces, planned to have him assassinated. He hired two Assassins 
to kill Philip and his nephew, Julian, who was lord of Sayete 
(Sidon). Julian was at Tyre when the two Assassins came. 
While waiting for an opportunity to carry out their plot, they 
fell in with a Tyrian by the name of Paris, who worked for 
Philip. Paris discovered that they were Assassins. They 
then told him their plot and bought his silence by the promise 
of a hundred bezans. The governor of Sayete went to Beirut 
and one of the Assassins followed. The other, on Sunday, met 
Philip before a chapel and saluted him. Philip entered the 
chapel and the Assassin followed. In the chapel Philip was 
attended only by his young son John and a knight by the name 

1 Bedr al-Din, 667. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 236. 

2 Will. Tyr., XXXIV, 12; Chron. Temp. Tyr., 369; Archer and Kingsford, 
Crusades, p. 409. Mills, Crusades, p. 244. 

3 Chron. Temp. Tyr., 370. 

* Bedr al-Din, 669. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. II, p. 244. 


of William of Pinquegny. The Assassin drew his sword and 
attacked Philip, but William siezed him and held him fast while 
Philip rushed out and sounded an alarm. The Assassin was 
put to death. The son came safely to his father and Philip 
went to "the mother church of Tyre which is called Holy Cross," 
and offered thanks to God for deliverance.^ 

Burchard of Mt. Zion visited Tyre in 1280 A.D. He saw the 
waters of Ras al-Ain irrigating gardens, orchards, vineyards and 
fields of sugar cane "which grows in great abundance and from 
which the lord of Tyre received great revenues." Six good- 
sized mills were turned by the overflow of waters from this 
great spring between it and the sea. 

As to the city itself, its triple eastern wall had been strength- 
ened by the twelve towers "than which I have never seen better 
in any part of the world .... All the world ought not to be 
able to take the city by fair means. The relics of many martyrs 
of the time of Diocletian are there whose number God only 
knows. Origen lies buried there, his tomb built into the wall 
of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. I have seen his monu- 
ment there." The same author notes that the archbishop's see 
was here, its suffragan bishops being those of Beirut, Sidon 
and Acre.^ 

John of Montfort was succeeded as governor of Tyre by 
Amaury.^ And Amaury was succeeded by Adan de Cafran.^ 

Hugh of Cyprus was succeeded as king of Jerusalem by Henry 
of Cyprus, who was crowned at Tyre in 1286. The coronation 
occurred in the cathedral and was solemnized by Bonacours, 
who was Archbishop of Tyre at that time.^ 

The Moslem victories of Baibars continued under Kalaiin. 
Only meager help came from the west. Finally the Egyptian 
armies began the attack upon the city of Acre. Kalaiin was 
dying in Egypt, but before he closed his eyes, he swore his son 

1 Chron. Temp, de Tyr., 374. 

2 P. P. T., XII, 1, pp. 10-12, 

3 Chron. Temp. Tyr., 477. 
* Ibid., 504. 

' Ibid., 439. 


Halil to complete his work. Halil did not delay in setting 
forth. Upon arriving at Acre the siege was pushed forward with 
all possible violence. Tyre and the other Christian cities of the 
coast gave no aid to Acre, perhaps being restrained by jealousy, 
but more probably by fear of the fury of the enemy. Acre fell 
in 1291. The Sultan sent one of his amirs with a body of troops 
to take possession of Tyre. Adan de Cafran, the governor of 
Tyre, abandoned the city as did all the knights and rich people. 
The poor people, men, women and children, remained as they 
had no vessels in which to escape.^ The city in terror opened its 
gates without resistance. The citizens were massacred, dis- 
persed or sold into slavery. Houses, factories, temples, every- 
thing in the city was consigned to sword, flame and ruin. Other 
cities suffered the same fate.^ 

An Arabic historian, after speaking of the annihilation of these 
cities adds, "Things, if it please God, will remain thus till the 
Last Judgment."^ 

1 Chron. Temp. Tyr., 504. 

2 Abu al-Fida, and Dimashki. — Vid. LeStrange, Palestine under the Moslems, 
345; Robson, Michaud's Hist, of the Crusades, Vol. Ill, p. 89. 

2 Abu al-Fida, 690. Vid. R. H. C. Or., Vol. I, p. 164. 



After the fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the complete 
reestablishment of Moslem power, Palestine was nominally 
under the power of the Caliph of Egypt, but in reality it was 
divided up among the descendants of Saladin and his brothers.^ 
Dimashki, writing about 1300 A.D., says that after the rise of 
the Turk power (meaning the house of Saladin), Syria was 
divided into nine kingdoms.^ The fourth of these little kingdoms, 
as given by Dimashki, had Safad as its capital, and it was to 
this that Acco, Tyre and Sidon belonged.^ However, Tyre 
was in almost complete ruin. Abu al-Fida writes, "The city 
was laid in ruins, as it remains to the present day (1321 A.D.)."^ 

Sir John Maundeville, in his account of his travels in 1322, 
writes of Tyre as follows: "Here was once a great and good city 
of the Christians, but the Saracens have destroyed it in great 
part, and they guard the haven carefully for fear of the Chris- 
tians. Men might go more directly to that haven without 
touching at Cyprus: but they go gladly to Cyprus, to rest them 
in that land, or to buy things that they need for their living:"^ 
sad words for the city that was once the mart of the nations. 

Tyre was visited by Ibn Batutah in 1355. He writes: "Of 
the ancient walls and port traces remain."^ It is evident that 
the ruined parts of the wall that were standing did not show 
their weakness at a distance. Ludolph von Suchen, writing 
about 1350, says: "Near this city (Sidon) is another exceedingly 
fair city, well fenced with towers and walls, and standing strangely 

1 LeStrange, Palest, under Moslems, p. 40. 

2 Ibid. 

^ Dimashki, 210-212, vid. LeStrange, Palest, under Moslems, p. 41. 
* Abu al-Fida, 243, vid. LeStrange, Palest, under Moslems, p. 345. 
^ MaundevUle, Travels, Ch. IV, vid. Wright, Early Travels in Palestine, 
p. 141. 

^ Ibn Batutah, I, 130, vid. LeStrange, Palest, under Moslems 345. 



by itself on an island in the sea. It is named Tyre, and now it 
is almost deserted."^ 

Bertrandon de la Brocquiere in his account of his travels in 
1432 writes: "We saw Sur, an enclosed town with a good port 
.... The city is enclosed on the land side by ditches which 
are not deep. ... I only passed through. It seemed handsome 
though not strong, any more than Seyde, both having been 
formerly destroyed, as appears from their walls, which are not 
to be compared to those of our towns."^ At that time there were 
no villages on the plain of Tyre though there were several on the 
surrounding mountain-sides.^ The city had not been able to 
regain any real measure of life when Sanday visited the site. 
He writes : " This once famous Tyre is none other than a heap of 

Henry Maundrell visited the site in 1697. His account is as 
follows : 

"This city (Tyre) standing in the sea upon a peninsula, promises at a 
distance something very magnificent : but when you come to it, you find 
no similitude of that glory for which it was so renowned in ancient times, 
and which the prophet Ezekiel describes. On the north side it has an old 
Turkish ungarrisoned castle, besides which you see nothing here but a 
mere Babel of broken walls, pillars, vaults, etc., there being not so much 
as one unbroken house left. Its present inhabitants are only a few poor 
wretches, harboring themselves in vaults, and subsisting chiefly upon 
fishing. ... In the midst of the ruins there stands up one pile higher 
than the rest, which is the east end of a great church, probably of the 
cathedral of Tyre. . . . There being an old staircase in this ruin last 
mentioned, I got up to the top of it, from whence I had an entire prospect 
of the island part of Tyre, the isthmus, and of the adjacent shore. . . . 
The island of Tyre seems to have been of a circular figure, containing not 
more than forty acres of ground. It discovers still the foundation of a 
wall which anciently encompassed it around at the utmost margin of the 
island. It makes with the isthmus two large bays, one on the north side 

1 Ludolph von Suchen, Descrip. of Holy Land, vid. P. P. T., XII, 2. John 
Polonius gives a like description (c. 1421), vid. P. P. T., VI, 39. 

2 Bert, de Bocq. Travels, vid. Wright, Eariy Travels in Palest., pp. 297-298. 
» Ibid. 

* Sanday, Travels: Relation of a Journey begun in 1610, p. 168. Peter 
Heylyn, Cosmographie (London, 1669), III, 44, speaks in almost the same 


and the other on the south. These bays are in part defended from the 
ocean, each by a long ridge, resembUng a mole, stretching directly out, 
on both sides, from the head of the island; but these ridges, whether they 
were walls or rocks, whether the work of art or of nature, I was too far 
distant to discern. 

"Coming out of these ruins, we saw the foundation of a very strong 
wall, running across the neck of land, and serving as a barrier to secure 
the city on this side. From this place we were a third of an hour in 
passing the sandy isthmus." 

Three quarters of an hour later the party reached Ras al-Ain 
which is described as follows: 

"Sunday, March 21. Ras-al-ayn is a place where are the cisterns 
called Solomon's; of these cisterns there are three entire at this day, one 
almost a furlong and a half from the sea, the other two a little farther 
up. The former is of an octagonal figure, twenty-two yards in diameter. 
It is elevated above the ground nine yards on the south side and six on 
the north. Within, it is said to be of unfathomable depth, but ten yards 
of line confuted that opinion. Its walls are of no better material than 
gravel and small pebbles; but consolidated with so strong and tenacious 
a cement, that it seems to be all one entire vessel of rock. Upon the 
brink of it you have a walk round, eight feet broad, from which descending 
by one step on the south side, and by two on the north, you have another 
walk twenty-one feet broad. All this structure so broad at top, is yet 
made hollow, so that the water comes in underneath the walks, insomuch 
that I could not, with a long rod, reach the extremity of the cavity. The 
whole vessel contains a vast body of excellent water, and it is so well 
supplied from its fountain that, though there issues from it a stream like 
a brook, driving four mills between this place and the sea, yet it is always 
brim full. On the east side of this cistern was the ancient outlet of the 
water, by an aqueduct raised about six yards from the ground and con- 
taining a channel one yard wide: but this is now stopped up and dry, 
the Turks having broke an outlet on the other side, deriving thence a 
stream for grinding their corn. The aqueduct, now dry, is carried east- 
ward about one hundred and twenty paces, and then approaches the two 
other cisterns, of which one is twelve, the other twenty yards square. 
These have each a little channel by which they anciently rendered their 
waters into the aqueduct, and so the united streams of all the three 
cisterns were carried together to Tyre. You may trace out the aqueduct 
all along by the remaining fragments of it. It goes about one hour north- 
ward, and then, turning west at a small mount, where anciently stood a 
fort, but now a mosque, it proceeds over the isthmus into the city. As we 
passed by the aqueduct we observed in several places, on its sides and 


under its arches, rugged heaps of matter resembling rock. . . , These were 
composed of innumerable tubes of stone, of different sizes, cleaving to 
one another like icicles."* 

Thomas Shaw upon visiting the place early in the eighteenth 
century adds lit'tle to the picture of desolation except to say that 
the port once surrounded by walls was so choked up with sand 
and rubbish that the boats of those poor fishermen, " who now 
and then visit this once renowned emporium," could be admitted 
only with great difficulty.^ 

Richard Pococke a very little later visited the ruined city.^ 
After describing the remains of the walls and towers, he writes, 
" I went to the home of a Maronite who was agent for the French 
here, it being a place where they export much corn." He found 
but two or three Christians here, and few others except some 
soldiers in a mean castle near the port. There was a custom 
house at the port. 

Hasslequist in 1751 found, as it appears, but ten inhabitants 
in the place.* A feeble effort to rehabilitate Tyre was made by 
some of the Mutawalis.^ Under Zahir, commander of Acre, 
an army of ten thousand of them took possession of the site of 
Tyre which they made their maritime mart. In 1771 they 
served against the Ottomans, and during their absence the 
Druses sacked their territory.^ In 1766 they had constructed a 
wall twenty feet high across the isthmus but it was in ruins less 
than twenty years later.'' 

1 Henry Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, A.D. 
1697, edition of R. Edwards, London, 1810, p. 64 ff. Wright, Early Travels 
in Palest., p. 423 ff. 

2 Thomas Shaw, Travels (Oxford, 1738), p. 331. 

^ Richard Pococke, Description of the East (London, 1745), p. 81 ff. 

* Renan, Mis. de Phen., IV, 1. 

* The Mutawalis or Metawileh (singular, Mutawali or Metawali) are an 
exclusive group of Shi^te Muhammedans dwelling in Lebanon and Coelo- 
Syria. Their origin is uncertain. They now number fifty or sixty thousand. 
Vid. I. Goldzieher, Vorlesungen iiber Islam (Heidelberg, 1910), p. 244 fif.; 
F. J. Bliss, The Religions of Modem Syria and Palestine (New York, 1912), 
pp. 295-296; A. Socin and D. G. Hogarth, Enc. Brit., 11th ed., article on 

9 Volney, Voyage en Syrie (Paris, 1787), p. 80 ff. 
' Ibid., 193. 


When Volney visited the place the village did not cover one 
third of the island. The port was so filled up that children 
could wade across from one ruined tower to the other. The whole 
population consisted of fifty or sixty poor families who lived 
obscurely by gardening and by fishing. The houses were 
wretched huts ready to tumble down. Ahmad al-Jazzar, of 
the Turkish army, was then Pasha of Sidon; he had spoiled the 
ruins of Tyre to adorn his mosque at Acco. The two great 
columns of red granite at the ruins of the Crusader's church 
his men had not been able to remove.^ 

Before the gate a hundred paces was a tower in which was a 
fountain to which the women of the town came for water. It 
was five or six feet deep and the water was excellent. For some 
reason it was troubled in September and for a few days the 
water assumed a reddish color. At that time the inhabitants 
were accustomed to hold a great feast, coming in crowds to the 
fountain. They finally used to bring a little sea water which, 
they said, had the power to clarify the water of the spring.^ 
On Tel al-Ma'shuk, a quarter of an hour from the town, stood 
the ruins of a building with a remarkable white roof.^ 

When Browne visited the site in 1797 he found that Tyre con- 
sisted of a few miserable huts inhabited by fishermen, and the 
port sadly in need of being restored.'* 

When Napoleon with his army was besieging Acco in 1799, he 
sent General Vial, on April 3d, to Tyre. The territory to the 
north was still held by the Mutawali sheikhs. These declared 
in favor of the French, and a corps of their soldiers preceded the 
French to Tyre. The few poor inhabitants were fleeing with 
their possessions, but General Vial assured them of their safety. 
Sheikh Nasir, the Mutawali chief, received General Vial and 
conducted him to his lodging which was on the harbor and which 
had been built, he said, by his grandfather. Sheikh Nasir said, 

1 Volney, Voyage en Syrie, p. 193. 

2 Ibid., 194. 

3 Ibid., 194. 

^ G. W. Browne, Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria, 1792-1798 (London, 
1799), p. 271. 


"I wish to make Tyre stronger than Acco; and my design is to 
encourage merchants and commerce."^ 

The coast cities were under direct Turkish rule, and from the 
time of Al-Jazzar, the Christians and Jews suffered many disabih- 
ties. They were not permitted to ride donkeys; they were re- 
quired to dress in black; they must not build better houses than 
their Mohammedan neighbors; their dead must not be carried 
before the door of a mosque,^ 

In 1831 Syria passed under the rule of Mohammed Ali, viceroy 
of Egypt, and Ibrahim Pasha became governor. Liberal and 
tolerant laws were enacted and commerce began to increase and 
the country to prosper.^ The modern serai at Tyre was built 
by him.^ If he had continued in power. Tyre might have awak- 
ened in time to contend for modern supremacy on the Syrian 
coast. But in 1840 the allied fleets of England, Austria and 
Turkey bombarded the Syrian ports, including Tyre, and drove 
Ibrahim Pasha back to Egypt.^ 

The city suffered greatly from an earthquake in 1837. Of 
this earthquake W. M. Thompson writes as follows : 

"We rode into the latter town (Tyre) at midnight over prostrate walls, 
and found some of the streets so choked up with fallen houses that we 
could not pass through them. I retain a vivid recollection of that dismal 
night. The people were living in boats drawn up on the shore, and in 
tents near them, while half suspended shutters and doors were creaking 
and banging, and the wind which had risen to a cold furious gale, howled 
through the shattered walls and broken arches of ruined Tyre."^ 

A lofty arch and some of the finer architecture of the cathedral 
ruins fell at that time.^ Shortly after this (1839) the population 

* A. A. Paton, History of the Egyptian Revolution, I, p. 271. 

2 Henry H. Jessup, Fifty-three years in Syria (N. Y., 1910), I, p. 28. 
» Ibid. 

* Benzinger, Baedeker's Palest, and Syria, p. 283. 

^H. H. Jessup, Fifty-three Years in Syria, Vol. I, p. 40 ff.; Verney and 
Dambmann, Les Puissances Etrangeres dans le Levant (Paris, 1900), p. 71. 

^ Thompson, The Land and the Book, III, 570. For other earthquakes in 
Palestine see Ex., 19, 18; I Sam., 14, 15; I Kings, 19, 11; Ps. 114, 4-7; Isa., 
29, 1-6; Amos, 1, 1; Zech., 14, 5; Mt., 27, 50-52; Joseph, Ant., 15, 5, 2, 
cf. Wars of the Jews, 1, 19, 3; LeStrange, Pal. under Moslems, passim; 
Record of Crusades, Ch. IX above. 

' D. Roberts, The Holy Land (Lond., 1843), Vol. II, p. 20. 


cf the town was 3000 people, of whom somewhat more than half 
were Mohammedans. There were but few Jews. The harbor 
was choked up and commerce amounted to nothing. There 
was a Greek Catholic Bishop of Tyre. The Roman Catholic 
patriarchate which was destroyed in 1291 was not restored until 

From the time that Ibrahim Pasha was driven back into 
Egypt and the country given back to the Turks, religious ani- 
mosities continued to vex the country to such an extent that a 
brief civil war resulted in 1860. In this struggle Tyre did not 
feel the force of suffering except as Christians from the interior 
fled thither in order to escape to Beirut.^ 

Tyre shared but meagerly in the general prosperity of the last 
century. In 1880 her population was 5000 and in 1900 it was 
but 6000.3 

At the present time Tyre has a population of about six thousand 
five hundred people, of whom approximately one half are Moslems ; 
the rest are Christians and Jews.^ It is the seat of a Kadi and a 
Greek Archbishop. Strangers find lodgings at a Latin mon- 
astery.^ The Moslems have primary and secondary schools for 
boys. The Franciscans and Sisters of St. Joseph have convents 
and schools; the United and the Orthodox Greeks also have 
schools. The British Syrian Mission has a boy's school, a girl's 
school, a school for the blind and Sunday schools.^ The Mar- 
onites, affiliated with the Roman Catholic Church, have an 
archbishop,^ and the United Greek Church^ and the Orthodox 
Greek Church each have a bishop here.^ The town occupies 
about half the former island and lays around the harbor to the 

1 Vemey and Dambmann, p. 23. 

2 Morris H. Jessup, Fifty-three Years in Syria, I, p. 181. 

3 Verney and Dambmann, p. 364. 

^ Benzinger, Baedeker's Palestine and Syria (1912), p. 272. 

= Ibid. 

6 Ibid. 

^ Verney and Dambmann, pp. 23-25. 

8 Affiliated with Rome. 



north. The houses are small, the streets are narrow, crooked 
and filthy.^ The area of the island is about 142 acres being 
almost as extensive as in ancient times.^ The western and south- 
ern half of the island, except the Moslem cemetery, is given up 
to cultivation and pasturage. 

The cathedral ruins are at the southeast corner of the modern 
wall of Tyre. Only the eastern portion with the three apses 
remains. The northern one of these is most perfect. The 
masonry is of small stones fixed in strong cement. The inside 
dimensions of the cathedral were 214 feet by 82 feet. The 
diameter of the apse was 36 feet. The transepts project 15 
feet. In the interior are two magnificent monolithic columns of 
red granite now prostrate; they are 27 feet in length. The rest 
of the interior decorations appear to have been of white marble.^ 
While this building was erected by the Crusaders, it probably 
occupies the site of the cathedral erected by Paulinus and 
dedicated by Eusebius in 323 A.D.^ Extensive excavations in 
the temple ruins were made in 1874 at the expense of the German 
government in an effort to find the tomb of Emperor Frederick 
Barbarossa. The futile effort brought to light little that was 
of value.^ 

The course of an old town wall is traceable from the former 
southeast end of the island to a cliff in the sea to the west- 
southwest.^ The fortification of the Crusaders followed the 
south bank of the island; among their remains is the so-called 
Algerian Tower now standing in a garden.^ Along the west side 
one can follow the ruins of medieval fortifications, of which 
fragments of columns and other remains are visible under water.' 

1 Benzinger, Baedeker's Palestine and Syria, p. 273; Renan, Mis. de Phen., 
553. Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phon., 68. 

2 Thompson, The Land and the Book, III, 616; Benzinger, Baedeker's 
Pal. and Syr., 272; Condor, Survey of Western Palest. (1881), I, p. 75; El- 
Mukattem (H. Crosby), The Lands of the Moslem (New York, 1851), 326. 

* Thompson, The Land and the Book, Vol. Ill, p. 616. 

* Vid. Sepp, Meerfahrt nach Tyrus (Leipzig, 1879), p. 249 ff. 
6 Thompson, The Land and The Book, Vol. Ill, p. 616. 

« Ibid. 
' Ibid. 


The Egyptian harbor is entirely silted up/ and the Sidonian is 
so choked up that only light coasting vessels can enter.^ 

There still exists one solitary specimen of Tyre's great sea 
wall that no enemy could overthrow. At the extreme northern 
end of the island a stone 17 feet long and 63^2 feet wide rests 
where it probably was placed by the Tyrians ages ago.^ 

The number of granite columns that lie in the sea is sur- 
prising. The east wall of the inner harbor is founded on them: 
they lie strewn beneath the sea on every side. Dr. W. M. 
Thompson writes, "I have repeatedly rowed around the island 
when the water was calm to look at them, and always with 

East of the town there is a well that supplies the people with 
water. The ancient water supply was derived chiefly from 
reservoirs at Tel al-Ma'shuk about a mile and a half east of the 
present city. At the foot of the rock to the south-southeast of 
the Tel are the remains of large reservoirs. Water was con- 
ducted to this place from Ras al-Ain and elsewhere, and then 
conducted to the city. The conduits below ground are less 
ancient than those above ground.^ 

The slopes of the hill al-Ma'shuk are covered with ancient 
ruins, sarcophagi, and oil presses. At the back of the hill lies a 
small necropolis, but the chief burial place of Tyre extends over 
the whole chain of hills to the east.® 

The springs of Ras al-Ain are just as they have been for 

The commerce of the modern town is very small; the commer- 
cial city of the Syrian coast is Beirut. The rich trade of 
the orient via Damascus no longer comes by caravan to Tyre. 

1 Thompson, The Land and The Book, Vol. Ill, p. 616. 

2 Movers, II, 217-218; Renan, Mis. de Phen., 565; Pietschmann, 65-66. 

3 Thompson, The Land and the Book, III, 617. 
* Ibid. 

5 Benzinger, Baed. Pal. and Syr., p. 273. 

«Ibid.: Renan, Mis. de Ph6n., 580-582, 587-592; Masp6ro, Struggle of 
Nations, 187; Loret, La Sjrie d'aujourd'hui, 138-140. 

^ Vid. Henry Maundrell's description on p. 125 above; Condor, Survey 
of Western Palest., I, 74; Benzinger, Baed. Pal. and Syr., p. 271. 


The modern steam railway has changed all that, and the railway 
runs from Damascus not to Tyre, but to Beirut. The marine 
trade routes have shifted so that they can never again be con- 
trolled from Tyre. She carries on a small trade with Egypt 
and Beirut in tobacco, charcoal and wood from the neigh- 
boring territory, and in wheat, straw and millstones from the 
Hauran.^ A sorry shadow of the days when Tyre was the mart 
of the nation and the mistress of the seas. 

^ Thompson, The Land and Book, III, 628; Vemey and Dambmann, p. 364. 



In the days of her strength Tyre's chief glory was in her 
colonies.^ The date at which she began the estabhshing of these 
colonies and commercial settlements cannot be given definitely. 
The earhest Phoenician settlements along the coast of the 
Mediterranean were probably not colonies, but a part of the 
westward Semitic movement which brought the Phoenicians 
themselves to the coast of Canaan.^ 

The Tyrians were said to have had a settlement in the city of 
Memphis,^ whence they exported the wares of Egypt .^ They 
worshipped their own gods and had their own temple which 
Herodotus believed to have been built about the time of the 
Trojan war. 

Early commercial settlements were made on the Island of 
Cyprus (Kittim^ of Genesis X). Its nearness and its variety 
of resources, among which was copper which has its name from 
the name of the island, would make it attractive at once to the 
commercial cities of Phoenicia, and doubtless it was one of the 
places early visited when the Phoenicians first settled on the 
Mediterranean and devoted themselves to commerce.® The 
dates at which the colonies were founded in Cyprus, and the 
cities from which the colonists came are not known; but Tyre's 
influence was sufficiently great to enable her to claim sovereignty 
over the island, which she was holding at the close of the eighth 

1 Strabo, XVI, 2, 23. 

^Eiselen, Sidon, p. 110; Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, V, p. 
421 flf. 

3 Herodotus, II, 112. 
* Ibid., I, 1. 

^ Josephus, Antiquities, I, 6, 1. 
^ Herodotus, I, 1. 

' Menander, as quoted by Josephus, Antiquities, IX, 14, 2. 



There are apparent traces of Phoenician influences in Rhodes, 
Crete, along the coast of Asia Minor, and in the islands off the coast 
of Thrace,^ The Phoenicians worked the gold mines of Thasos 
with such vigor that they turned a mountain into heaps.^ They 
visited and perhaps had trading settlements in the islands of 
the Aegean.^ They settled at Athens and Thebes.^ They seem 
to have had settlements in Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica.^ Some 
of these traces may be referred to the earlier westward movements 
of the Semites rather than to definite colonization plans in- 
augurated by the cities of Phoenicia. The settlements in Spain 
made by the Tyrians,^ however, seem to have been colonies in a 
commercial if not a political sense. 

The greatest of the Tyrian settlements beyond the Pillars of 
Hercules was Gadeira, Gades, modern Cadiz. Its location re- 
sembled the site of the mother city : it was situated on an island 
separated from the mainland by a strait. Access to the mainland 
for trade was easy, and at the same time the settlement on the 
island could be defended readily. The city stood, like modern 
Cadiz, on the extreme northwestern part of the island. That 
the city was well protected is indicated by the name, Gadeira, 
*11X fortress. We may safely date the founding of this settle- 
ment at about 1100 B.C. ^ The Tyrians made a number of other 
settlements in Spain^ and, if we may accept the statement of 
Strabo, that at Onoba antedated the founding of Gadeira. 

Closely connected with the settlement at Gadeira in date 
was that at Utica in Africa. Again a site easy for defense was 
chosen. The settlement was located on a promontory of land 

1 Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 94. 

2 Herodotus, VI, 47. 

^ Thucydides, Peloponnesian War, I, 8. 
* Herodotus, V, 57-59. 

5 Diodorus, V, 12. 

6 Ibid., V, 35. 

^ Aristotle: De Mirabil. Auscult., 134, says: "Iti^/ct; &s dvayiypairTac iv rats 
^oiviKiKois Iffroplaii irpdrepov iKrladri avrijs riji Kapx7;56vos ^recri diaKOffiois dydo-fiKovra 
?7rTa." . . . But Veil. Paterc. I, 2, says that the Tyrians founded Utica a 
few years after they had founded Gadeira. Vid. also Strabo, I, 3, 2; XVII, 
3; Curtius, IV, 4; Justin, XVIII, 4; Pliny, XVI, 216. 

8 Strabo, III, 151, 156 et seq., 169 et seq. 


that extended out into the Gulf of Tunis, at a distance of seven- 
teen miles from the site of Carthage. The River Bagradas 
flowed by it into the sea on the eastern side. It had a good 
harbor, and easy access to the very fertile adjacent regions.'^ 
We have seen that it was founded two hundred and eighty seven 
years before Carthage.^ As the date for the founding of Carthage 
is about 820 B.C., Utica must have been founded about 1100 
B.C. When Pliny wrote his Natural History, in the year 77 or 
78 A.D., he reckoned the founding of Utica to have occurred 
1078 years previously.^ 

Ancient historians credit Tyre with having founded Sabarth 
in Africa,^ Lesser Leptis, and Hadrumentum.^ We are even 
told that the Tyrians had three hundred cities on the Mauritanian 
coast beyond the pillars of Hercules;^ and while without doubt 
the statement is a gross exaggeration, it probably had its origin 
in unusual commercial activity in that region. 

Most famous of all the colonies of Tyre was Carthage. There 
is an interesting question as to the date of the founding of this 
city. In a passage of the Cicilian, Philistus, preserved by Euse- 
bius^ it is said that Carthage was founded by Zorus and Karche- 
don thirty years before the Trojan war. We have seen^ that, as 
Zorus, *lli, is Tyre, Karchedon may represent another city 
having aided in the founding, possibly Karchedon in Cyprus. 
It is clear that Virgil reckons the founding of Carthage to have 
preceded the Trojan war.^ Conditions at Tyre so far as we 
know them were not favorable for great commercial develop- 
ment at quite so early a date: but there is no reason why we 
may not believe that a settlement was made at Carthage in the 
same period as that at Gades and Utica. 

^ Rawlinson, Phoenicia, 63-64; Kenrick, Phoenicia, 145. 
^ Vid. p. 134, note 7 above. 
3 Pliny, XVI, 216. 
* Silius ItaUcus, III, 256. 
6 PUny, V, 76. 
6 Strabo, XVII, 826. 
^ Vid. p. 31 above. 
8 Page 29 et seq. above. 

8 Virgil, Aeneid, I, 335 ff., shows the city established when the refugees 
from Troy came. 


The promontory, modern Capo Cartagine, stood five hundred 
feet above the sea, and afforded an excellent look-out. The site 
was favorable for trade and for defense. The bay afforded 
ample shelter for shipping.^ 

The colony first settled on the promontory. Like other 
Tyrian colonies, it was fortified, and so had its name, HIliD, 
but strangers confused the name with the Greek Bvpa-a, a hide, 
and this confusion gave rise to the legend that Dido bargained 
for so much ground as could be compassed by an ox-hide! — and 
then had the hide cut into strips sufficiently narrow to enable 
her to compass the hill, which in this way got its name.^ But 
the prosperity and prominence of the city must be reckoned from 
the date of the coming of Elissa^ and her followers.^ It was then 
that the city itself was built and called nSi^TH H'^pj " New City." 

Because of her favorable location for trade by land and by 
sea, and because of the unusual ability and enterprise of her 
citizens, Carthage quickly came to wealth and great com- 
mercial importance. Her relation to the mother city was most 
cordial. She sent her annual tribute to the temple of Melkart 
long after Tyre's ability to collect it by force was gone.^ When 
Cambyses, after the conquest of Egypt, wanted to proceed 
against Carthage, the Tyrian seamen refused to make war 
against their kinsmen, the Carthaginians.® During Alexander's 
siege of Tyre, an embassage from Carthage came to give as- 
sistance, and offered refuge for all who wished to flee to their 

The era of Tyre's greatest activity in locating colonies and 
commercial settlements synchronizes with the entrance of the 
Hebrews into Palestine, and their efforts to possess the land. 
That movement was not complete until the time of David.^ 
The pressure of the Hebrews crowding in may have driven the 
Canaanites to seek new homes for themselves in the far west, 

1 Virgil, Aeneid, I, 160 ff. ^ Diodorus, XX, 14. 

2 Ibid., I, 365 ff. 6 Vid. page 50 above. 

^ Jlha, feminine of fsx. ' Vid. pages 56, 62 above. 

* Vid. page 29 et seq. above. » II Samuel, V, 8. 


and we may be sure that the Tyrians would try to locate them 
where they would be of the greatest commercial advantage.^ 

At the beginning of the eighth century Tyre's power in her 
colonies began to wane. The Assyrians gained control on the 
mainland and in Cyprus. The colonies turned to Carthage as 
natural protector.^ Tyre's colonization era was over. 

Dr. Jacob Krall says, "Not only did the colonies near and 
beyond the Gates of Hercules belong to Tyre; but the whole 
colonization movement of the Phoenicians which has given to 
this people their place in universal history is in reality the work 
of Tyre."3 

The commercial ventures of the Tyrians were not limited to 
their own colonies or commercial settlements. According to 
Herodotus the Phoenicians, having settled on the Mediterranean 
coast, immediately undertook distant voyages; and carrying 
cargoes both of Egyptian and Assyrian goods, visited among 
other places, Argos.^ What part Tyre had in these voyages 
we do not know. It is clear that in the early period the Phoe- 
nicians were not the sole masters of the seas. Recent discoveries 
in Crete^ have brought to light a Minoan sea power of remote 
antiquity. When the Minoan sea power was broken up in the 
twelfth century B.C.,^ Phoenician traders became the undisputed 
commercial mediators of the nations. 

What part Tyrians had among the Phoenician traders referred 
to by Homer^ is not known, as he does not mention Tyre. 

1 The tradition of such an origin for the Tyrian colonists may be preserved 
in the Phoenician inscription which Procopius (De Bell. Vandal., II, 10) 
mentions as being near the city of Tingis in Mauritania, "We are those who 
fled before the face of Joshua the robber, the son of Nun." Vid. also Suidas 
(s. V. X.T]vadv). 

The westward movement of population at this time may have been partially 
due to the military activity of Assyria under Tiglath Pileser I who came as 
far west as Canaan in 1120 B.C. 

2 Justin, XLIV, 5. 

^ Tyrus und Sidon, p. 45. * Herodotus, I, 1. 

^ Vid. Burrows, Discoveries in Crete (1907); James Blakie, The Sea Kings 
of Crete (London, 1910). 

6 Vid. Herodotus, I, 171; Thucydides T, 4, 8. 

7 lUad, VI, 289 ff.; XXIII, 740 ff.; Odyssey, XIII, 272; XIV, 288; XV, 414, 
473 et. al. 


We have seen that Hiram's seamen in charge of the fleet of 
King Solomon, sailed to distant ports in the eastern seas, making 
three-year trading cruises; that their imports were gold, silver, 
precious wood, jems, ivory, apes, and peacocks.^ That these 
voyages were vastly profitable is shown by the fact that Solo- 
mon's share in a voyage from Ophir was four hundred and 
twenty talents of gold.^ 

The profits of Tyre's trade in the west seem to have been 
enormous. It is recorded that even the anchors of the ships 
returning from Spain were made of silver.^ The Tyrian mer- 
chants are represented as "princes of the sea" upon their thrones, 
with robes and broidered garments.* Her merchants were 
princes, her traffickers were the honorable of the earth. ^ 

The most important of the ancient documents regarding the 
commerce of Tyre is the twenty-seventh chapter of the Book 
of Ezekiel. The first eleven verses of the chapter represent 
Tyre as a splendid ship moored in the sea, a fitting figure for the 
beautiful city as it then appeared. The goodly ship, merchant 
of the people of many isles, is conscious that it is of perfect 
beauty. Her planks are of the fir trees of Senir.^ Her mast is 
of the cedars of Lebanon. Of the oaks of Bashan were her oars. 
Her benches were of ivory inlaid in boxwood^ from the isles of 
Kittim.^ Of fine linen with broidered work from Egypt was 
her sail. Blue and purple from the isles of Elishah was her 
awning. The inhabitants of Sidon and Arvad were her rowers, 
while her own wise men were her pilots. The wise men of 
Gebal were her calkers. All the ships of the sea with their 
mariners were but attendants to handle the merchandise of this 

1 Vid. pages 20 ff. above. 
2 1 Kings, IX, 28. 

2 Diodorus, V, 35. 

* Ezekiel, XXVI, 16. 
6 Isaiah, XXIII, 8. 

8 Vid. I Kings, V, 8. Senir was the Amorite name of Hermon (see A. B. 
Davidson, Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges, Ezekiel, p. 191). 

^ For Dnt^N na read nntj'snn. 

»Kittim is Cyprus; but the "isles of Kittim" is indefinite, referring to 
islands and coasts beyond Cyprus. Dan. XI, 30; I Mace, I, 1; VIII, 5. 


mighty vessel, Tyre. The great ship is attended by her warriors 
from Persia^ and Lud and Put who adorned her with their shields. 
The men of Arvad were upon her walls, and the Gammadim^ 
were in her towers. These perfected her beauty by adorning 
her walls with their shields. Having described Tyre as a great 
ship, the prophet proceeds to catalogue her commercial dealings 
with the whole known world in verses twelve to twenty-five : 

"Tarshish was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of 
all kinds of riches; with silver, iron, tin and lead, they traded 
for thy wares." The richest silver mines in the world were in 
the mountains of Andalusia.^ Iron was found in great abun- 
dance.^ Tin was found in Spain, as many ancient authorities 
indicate,^ but far richer deposits existed in the Cassiterides (Tin 
Islands), i. e., Scilly Islands, and in Cornwall. Supplies from 
these sources reached the Mediterranean by way of Gades.^ 

" Javan, Tubal and Meshech were thy traffickers : they traded 
in the persons of men and vessels of brass in thy market." 
These countries are usually grouped together.^ The first is the 
lonians, and the other two have usually been identified with the 
Tibareni and Moschi on the Black Sea.^ That Javan traded in 
slaves is indicated by Joel III: 6, and Amos I: 9. 

"They of the house of Togarmath traded for thy wares with 
horses and war-horses and mules." What country is meant by 
Togarmath is not certain, whether Armenia, Phrygia or Cappa- 
docia, all of which were noted for breeding horses.^ 

"The men of Dedan were thy traffickers; many isles were the 

1 In Gen., X, 4, Elishah is a son of Javan, i. e., Ionia or Grecian Asia (A. B. 
Davidson, Ezekiel, p. 192). 

2 The reference is uncertain. No place called Gammad is known. Some 
read "brave warriors." Vid. Davidson, Ezekiel, p. 194; Kenrick, Phoenicia, 
p. 193. 

3 Polybius, X, 10; Aristotle, De Mir. Ausc, 147; Diodorus, V, 35; Strabo, 
III, 151. 

< Strabo, III, 159; Pliny, XXXIV, 15. 

B Vid. Kenrick, Phoenicia, 212-216. 

"Strabo, III, 175; vid. also Diodorus, V, 22. 

■' Genesis, X, 20; Ezek., XXXII, 26, XXXVIII, 2; Isaiah, XLVI, 19. 

8 Davidson, Ezekiel, p. 195. 

« Ibid., p. 196. 


mart of thy hand: they brought thee in exchange horns of ivory 
and ebony." Dedan is probably to be placed on the Persian 
Gulf,^ and the ivory and ebony probably came from India; 
but if the reading should be "Rhodians" as the LXX translates, 
the ivory and ebony must have come from central Africa by way 
of Rhodes. 

"Syria was thy merchant by reason of the multitude of thy 
handy works: they traded for thy wares with emeralds, purple, 
and broidered work, and fine hnen, and coral, and rubies."^ 

" Judah and the land of Israel, they were thy traffickers : they 
traded for thy merchandise wheat of Minnith,^ and pannag,^ 
and honey, and oil and balm." The importance of Judah and 
Israel in the commerce of Tyre at a later time was indicated 
by the record of the eagerness of the Tyrians and Sidonians to 
pacify Herod because "their country was fed from the king's 

" Damascus was thy merchant for the multitude of thy handy- 
works, by reason of the multitude of all kinds of riches : with the 
wine of Helbon, and white wool." Helbon has been identified 
with Chalbun, northeast of Damascus.^ This wine was a choice 
drink among the ancients.^ 

"Vedan and Javan traded with yarn for thy wares: bright 
iron, cassia and calamus, were among thy merchandise.^ Dedan 
was thy trafficker with precious cloths for riding; Arabia and all 
the princes of Kedar, they were the merchants of thy hand: in 
lambs, and rams, and goats, in these were they thy merchants." 
Kedar was an important people of north Arabia.^ 

1 Vid. Ezek., XXV, 13; XXVII, 20; Jer., XLIX, 8; Isa., XXI, 13. 
^ At this point the text is uncertain. Vid. LXX. 
3 Vid. Judges, XI, 33; but LXX reads "ointments." 

* A term unknown elsewhere. 
<> Acts, XII, 20. 

6 A. B. Davidson, Ezekiel, p. 197. 

^ Hosea, XIV, 7; Song of Solomon, VIII, 11; for frequent mention in 
Assyrian inscriptions vid. Shrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testa- 
ment (Translation of Whitehouse, London, 1888), p. 121; vid. also Strabo, 
XV, 3. 

* Text uncertain; cf. LXX; Davidson, Ezekiel, p. 198. 
» Gen., XXV, 13; Isa., LX, 7; Jer., XLIX, 28 et al. 


"The traffickers of Sheba and Raamah, they were thy traf- 
fickers: they traded for thy wares with chief of all spices, and 
with all precious stones and gold." Sheba was in the southwest 
of Arabia; her caravans^ traded with gold, precious stones, and 

"Haran^ and Canneh^ and Eden,^ the traffickers of Sheba, 
Asshur and Chilmad,^ were thy traffickers. These were thy 
traffickers in choice wares, in wrappings of blue and broidered 
work, and in chests of rich apparel, bound with cords and made 
of cedar, among thy merchandise. The ships of Tarshish were 
thy caravans for thy merchandise: and thou wast replenished, 
and made very glorious in the heart of the seas." The "ships 
of Tarshish" were a type of great ships strong enough for the 
longest voyage.^ The camel has been called the ship of the 
desert; here the procession of ocean vessels is spoken of as a 
caravan bringing treasures to Tyre. 

Such was the world-wide commerce of Tyre in the days of 
her glory. Her seamen were doubtless among the Phoenicians 
who circumnavigated Africa 611-605 B.C.^ 

A blow was struck, more serious to the commerce of Tyre 
than any of the fearful sieges through which she passed, when 
Alexandria was founded and trade diverted to it.^ Later she 
suffered still further when Rome made herself the center of the 
world's affairs. However, Tyre continued to flourish as a com- 
mercial center.^ Jerome left record of her commercial prosperity 
in his time (340-420 A.D.).^° When we come to the period of 
the Crusades, while Tyre has her own ships, her navy is inferior 
to that of Egypt; and Genoa, Venice and Pisa have come to be 

1 Job, VI, 19; I Kings, X, 2; Isa., XL, 6; Jer., VI, 20 et al. 

2 In Mesopotamia, Gen., XI, 31; XII, 4; XXVII, 43; XXVIII, 10 et al. 
» Perhaps Calneh (Gen., X, 10) or Calno (Isa., X, 9). 

* Named in connection with Haran in Isa., XXXVII, 12. 
^ Location unknown. Vid. LXX, in loco. 
® Vid. p. 21 above. 
^ Herodotus, IV, 42. 

8 Vid. p. 67 above. 

9 Strabo, XVI, 2-23. 
" Vid. p. 78 above. 


leaders in the world's commerce.^ From the time of her fall in 
1291 A.D., Tyre lay in ruins for five hundred years. The 
present petty trade of Tyre, dim shadow of a mighty past, is 
described on page 132 above. 

From an early date Tyre was occupied not only with trafiicking 
in the merchandise of others, but with manufacturing also. In 
ancient times she was famous for her works in metallurgy. It 
was a Tyrian artist who constructed for Solomon the splendid 
works in bronze which were among the glories of the Temple at 
Jerusalem, the two massive pillars Jachin and Boaz, and the 
great laver called a "molten sea," fifteen feet in diameter and 
supported by twelve oxen arranged in groups of three.^ The 
same artist fashioned also "the golden altar, and the table 
whereupon the showbread was, of gold; and the candlesticks, 
five on the right side and five on the left, before the oracle, of 
pure gold; and the flowers, and the lamps, and the tongs, of 
gold; and the cups, and the snuffers, and the basins, and the 
spoons, and the firepans, of pure gold; and the hinges, both for 
the doors of the inner house, the most holy place, and for the 
doors of the house, to wit, of the temple, of gold."^ 

"To cast pillars of bronze, eighteen cubits high and twelve 
in circumference, with capitals of the same material, five cubits 
high; a molten sea supported by twelve brazen oxen; the ten 
movable lavers of brass, with their bases and bronze wheels, 
would be no slight task even for modern skill. "^ Tyre's skill in 
artistic metal work continued until the time of her fall. Nasir-i- 
Khusrau, visiting the city in 1047 A.D., saw in her bazaar 
"lamps and lanterns of gold and silver."^ 

Another industry for which the city was famous was the 
manufacture of textile fabrics. At the construction of the 
Temple at Jerusalem they showed skill in purple and in blue 

^ Vid. p. 87 et seq. above. 

2 1 Kings, VII, 13-47; II Chron., Ill, 15; IV, 4. 

3 1 Kings, VII, 48-50. 

* Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 250. Vid. Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 285. 

' Vid. p. 85 above. 


and in fine linen.^ The veil of the temple was made of blue and 
purple and crimson and fine linen,^ The weaving of textile 
fabrics continued to be an important industry throughout the 
period of Tyre's greatness. Idrisi writing in 1154 A.D. says 
"They make also a sort of white clothes-stuff which is exported 
thence to all parts, being extremely fine, and well-woven beyond 
compare. The price is very high; and in but few neighboring 
countries do they make as good a stuff. "^ 

A third important industry was the manufacture of glass. 
The pillar of the temple of Melkart which "shone brightly in 
the night "^ must have been a hollow cylinder of green glass in 
which a lamp perpetually burned.^ Sidon was credited as being 
the place of the discovery of the art of making glass. ^ This 
belief indicates extensive glass manufacture to be accounted for. 
The sands of the seashore near Tyre were believed to be especially 
adapted to the making of the best kind of glass.^ The glass 
work of Tyre was famous in the Middle Ages.^ Mukaddasi, 
writing of the industries of Syria in the tenth century, says, 
" From Tyre, came glass beads, glass vessels both cut and blown. "^ 
Idrisi in 1154 wrote, "They make here long-necked vases of 
glass."^° The Crusaders referred with admiration to the skill of 
the Tyrians in this work.^^ 

Two pieces of glass, probably from Tyre,^^ which were for a 
long time considered as works in precious stone, illustrate the 
Phoenician art of glass making at its best. The one is a vase 

1 II Chron., II, 14. 
2 II Chron., Ill, 14. 
« Vid. p. 100 above. 
* Herodotus, II, 44. 

5 Vid. p. 148 below. There were two great pillars of glass in the temple at 
Aradus (Clement of Rome, Recognitions, 7, 12). Vid. Kenrick, Phoenicia, 
p. 249. 

6 Pliny, XXXVI, 65. 
^ Vid. p. 94 above. 

8 Vid. G. Migeon, Manuel d'Art Musulman (Paris, 1907),Vol. II, pp. 344-345. 

9 Vid. p. 85 above. 
1" Vid. p. 100 above. 
"1 Vid. p. 95 above. 

12 G. Migeon, Manuel d'Art Musulman, Vol. II, p, 348. 


in the cathedral of Genoa, whose purity of material and liveliness 
of color have caused it often to be taken for an enormous emerald. 
The tradition was that it was presented to Solomon by the 
Queen of Sheba. It was in the mosque of Caesarea when the 
Crusaders captured that city in 1100 A.D. The other piece, 
because of its blue color, was long considered as a sapphire. 
It is among the treasures of the basilica of Monza.^ 

Late in her history Tyre produced sugar, and from her refin- 
eries, sent it out to distant lands.^ 

But by far the most important of the industries of Tyre was 
the manufacture of purple dyes. This industry was so ancient 
and so important to the city that the discovery of the art was 
attributed to their tutelary deity Melkart. The legend was 
that Hercules (Melkart) was walking on the seashore with the 
nymph Tyrus, with whom he was enamoured. His dog found a 
Murex with its head protruding from its shell, and devoured it. 
When the nymph saw the beautiful color left on the lips of the 
dog, she refused the suit of Hercules until he should bring her a 
robe of like beauty. He collected the shell fish, secured the 
juice, and dyed for her the first garment of Tyrian purple.^ 

The kind of shell-fish from which the purple was secured was 
rare elsewhere, but abundant along the coast near Tyre. There 
are two species, the Murex and the Buccinum. The coloring 
matter is found in a sack, or vein, which begins at the head of 
the animal and follows the line of the body. The matter is a 
liquid of creamy consistency, and while in the sack, is of yellowish- 
white color. When extracted and exposed to the light, it be- 
comes first green, then purple.^ 

Pliny^ has left us a detailed account of the process of manu- 
facturing the dye. Fish traps baited with mussels or frogs were 
let down by ropes into the sea. When the Murex was caught 
the sack was removed while the animal was yet alive, or after 

» G. Migeon, Manuel d'Art Musulman, Vol. II, p. 348. 
2 Vid. pp. 85 and 86 above. 
' Nonnus, Dionys., XL, 306. 
* Rawlinson, Phoenicia, pp. 276-277. 

5 Pliny, Hist. Nat., IX, 38. Vid. Kenrick, Phoenicia, 237-244, 253-259; 
Rawlinson, Phoenicia, 275-280. 


it had been killed with a blow; slow death injured the color. 
The Buccinum being smaller, the sack was not extracted, but 
the body crushed with the shell. After a maceration three 
days in brine, the pulp was placed in a vessel of lead and caused 
to simmer. The animal matter was removed by repeated 
skimmings, and at the end of ten days the liquor became clear. 
It was then boiled until the desired strength was attained. 
Various color effects were secured by mixing dyes, and by 
exposure to sunlight at different stages of the process. It is 
probable that there were secrets in the art that were carefully 

Strabo^ writes : " The Tyrian purple is acknowledged to be the 
best; the fishing is carried on not far away. Tyre possesses 
everything necessary for the dyeing. It is true that the work- 
shops of so many dyers makes residence in the city incom- 
modious, but it is to the skill of her workmen in this branch of 
her industry that the city owes her wealth." The production 
of purple was the city's chief industry in the first century.^ 

The Roman emperors were very jealous of the royal purple. 
Its general sale was prohibited by law.^ The superintendency 
of the dye houses of Tyre became a public office and was filled 
by an appointee of the crown.^ 

1 Strabo, XVI, 2-23. 

2 Pliny, Hist. Nat,, V, 17. 

' Vid. Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 246-247. 
* Vid. p. 75 above. 




While the religion of ancient Tyre had much in common 
with that of the rest of Phoenicia, it had also its distinguishing 
features; it was dominated by the worship of Melkart, the 
tutelary deity of the city.^ According to the Phoenician the- 
ogony of Sanchoniathon preserved by Philo of Byblus,^ Melkart 
was the son of Demarous, also called Zeus, who was the son of 
Ouranus and brother of Chronus. His name, Hip T|7D, King 

of the City, expresses his relation to Tyre. He appears in 
Greek mythology under the name Melicertes with the attributes 
of a maritime divinity, and identified with Hercules.^ Wherever 
his worship was estabhshed, there the Greeks supposed that 
Hercules had performed some exploit by which he proved 
himself superior to the native gods and heroes of the country: 
so that the triumphs of the people of Melkart seem to be the 
facts underlying the Greek myths of the labors of Hercules.^ 

A table of sacrifices and dues,^ originally from Carthage, has 
come down to us, which indicates that the sacrificial institutions 
of the Phoenicians had much in common with those of the 
Hebrews, and expressed similar religious ideas. To Baal were 
sacrificed prayer offerings, thank offerings, whole offerings, 
meal offerings. It is worthy of note, however, that the Phoe- 
nician list makes no mention of a sin offering or guilt offering. 
The offerings in the main are the same. On the Phoenician 

^ Melkart is called Lord of Tyre, Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum (cited 
below CIS.), 120, CIS. 122, et al. 

^Eusebius, Praep. Evang., I, 9, 10. Vid. Migne, Patrologae (Paris, 1857), 
Vol. XXI, p. 71 ff. 

* MeXiKdpOos, 6 xdt 'Hpa/cXr??, Sanchoniathon. 

* Kenrick, Phoen., pp. 321-322. Cicero, De Natura Deorum, III, 16, says 
that Tyrian Hercules was the son of Jupiter and Asteria, i. e., of Baal and 

» CIS. I, 165, c. 4th cent. B.C. 



inscription oxen, sheep, goats, birds and produce are mentioned 
in the same order as in Leviticus I-II; but the Phoenician hst 
includes also deer, wild birds, game, milk and fat. The priests 
and the worshipers share the parts of the sacrifice as in Leviticus. 
The poor man is provided relief in both systems.'^ 

The Tyrians, by extolling Melkart to the supreme place in 
their religion, identified him with Baal.^ He is lord of the 
sun,^ supreme ruler, giver of life, embodiment of the male prin- 
ciple, god of productivity. 

His ancient shrine at Tyre was built at the time of the founding 
of the city.* King Hiram erected in his honor a splendid temple 
in a prominent place on the side of the island farthest from the 

Where was the temple of Melkart? "Some years ago," 
writes Dr. Thompson, " the quarriers who were digging out stone 
for the government barracks at Beirut uncovered a large floor 
a few feet below the surface. Breaking it up and descending 
through rubbish some ten feet further, they came upon a marble 
pavement, and a confused mass of columns of every size and 
variety. I went down and groped about amid these prostrate 
columns, and found the bases of some still in their original 
positions — parts of what was once a temple. In an adjoining 
excavation was found a marble statue of a female, life sized, 
robed and in good preservation. This ancient temple stood in 
the centre and highest part of the island and must have been very 
conspicuous from the sea. 

" The floor above these ruins belonged to a house which must 

^ Cooke, North-Semitic Inscriptions (cited, Cooke, N. S. I., below), p. 117. 
Vid. CIS. I, 176 (Cooke, N. S. I., 43), 4-3 cent, B.C. 

2 Melkart is not mentioned in the Old Testament, but the worship intro- 
duced into Israel by Jezebel of Tyre was undoubtedly offered to him. Vid. 
Cooke, N. S. I., p. 74. 

^ Tbv i^\i.ov iv6fu^ov fjjbvov oipavoO K'OpwVy BeeXffdfMjv KdXovres. (EJ'DJJ' Py^), 

" Herod., II, 44. 

* Joseph., Antiq., V, 2, 7, Against Apion, I, 17-18. For discussion of site 
vid. Maspero, Struggle of the Nations, p. 186; Renan, Mis. de Phen., 534-559. 
One wonders if the ruins of this temple may not come to light. 


have been destroyed before the city of the Middle Ages was 
built; and yet those ruins were there buried so deep below the 
surface that the builder of that house had not the slightest idea 
of their existence. That group of columns and marble floor 
was again covered up by the quarriers in their search for available 
building stones. The southern half of the island is buried deep 
beneath such ruins. "^ 

The ancient temple of Melkart in Palaetyrus at which the 
Tyrians asked Alexander to make his sacrifice to Heracles,^ 
probably stood on Tel al-Ma'shuk.^ This was probably the 
temple of the fabled Shamenrum as the ancient island shrine was 
that of Usoos.^ The temple on Tel al-Ma'shuk was called that 
of Baalshamin of the starry tunic, AaTpoxiT6vo<;.^ We know 
that in the great temple of the island city there were two splendid 
pillars;^ one was of gold and the other was said to be of "smarag- 
dus" (emerald), but was probably of glass and hollow, and 
seems to have been constantly lighted from within. It was 
in commemoration of these pillars that the Pillars of Hercules 
at the strait had their name. Although a number of temples 
had twin pillars,^ the symbolism is obscure.^ The worship in 
the early centuries was probably without the use of an image 
of any kind. Herodotus mentions none at the time of his 
investigation.^ A century and a quarter after his visit the 

1 Thompson, The Land and the Book, III, pp. 617 flf. 

* Vid. p. 55 above. 

» Renan, Mis. de Ph^n., 582-583; Masp^ro, Struggle of the Nations, 186. 

* Sanchoniathon. 

6 Nonnus, Dionys., XL, 369 flf.; Movers, 182-184. 

« Herod., II., 44. 

^ Tyre, Baalbek, Jerusalem, Gades, et al. 

« W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, pp. 456-457, argues that 
neither they nor the masseboth were phalic, as Movers, I, 680, had claimed. 
Curtis, Primitive Semitic Religion Today (Chicago, 1902), pp. 84-88, describes 
a number of sacred stones in different places and of various shapes and forms. 
He says (p. 84), "At Ezra in the Hauran are two pillars between which a bas- 
tard cannot pass"; and, "at a village in the Druse mountains are two upright 
stones between which bridal couples must pass." 

» Herod., II, 44. There was no image in the temple of Melkart at Gades 
(Silius ItaUcus, III, 21-31). 


image seems to have come to have a place in worship, for in 
the city's distress during Alexander's siege the Tyrians, fearing 
that the gods were about to forsake the doomed city, chained 
the image of Apollo in the temple.^ It is probable that this 
image was used in the worship of Melkart, and that he as the 
sun-god was identified with Phoebus Apollo. As the sun-god, 
the god of light and of fire, Melkart was worshiped by having a 
fire burn perpetually in his temple at Gades^ and we may assume 
that the illuminated pillar of the temple at Tyre had the same 
symbolism. His priests had their heads shaved;^ they were 
barefooted and wore garments of spotless white linen before his 
altar.'* They held pork in abomination.^ Married women were 
not allowed to approach the altar .^ 

Festivals similar to those of Adonis at Byblus were held in the 
honor of Melkart twice a year. When the prolonged heat of 
the summer would burn everything up, he won for the earth 
the favor of the sky by offering himself a sacrifice to the sun. 
The festival of this sacrifice was kept at Tyre.^ In the month 
Peritius (February-March) the festival of the awakening or 
resurrection of Melkart, rov EpuKXeovi iye'pai^,^ was com- 
memorated. It may be that the sarcasm of Elijah (I Kings, 
XVIII, 27) has reference to this belief regarding Melkart. This 
festival was at the time of the year when the quail return to 
Palestine and it is claimed that the sacrifice of quail commem- 
orated the awakening of Melkart.^ It has been suggested that 
the Arabic sumdna, quail, gave the name to the god Eshmun, 
lolaos, who restored Hercules to life by giving him a quail to 

^ Vid. p. 61 above. This image has been sent to Tyre by the people of 

2 Silius ItaUcus, III, 21-31. 

" Ibid. 

4 Ibid. 

5 Ibid. 
« Ibid. 

' Clement of Rome, Recognitions, X, 24. 

8 Joseph., Antiq., VIII, 5, 3: Movers, Die Phon., 385-387. 

9 Eudoxus, ap. Athen., IX, 47. Vid. W. R. Smith, Relig. of Semites, p. 469. 

10 Smith, Relig. of Semites, 469. 


At the time of Antioehus Epiphanes a great celebration in 
honor of Hercules was held at Tyre every fifth year. At this 
celebration athletic games had a prominent place, and costly 
sacrifices and offerings were made.^ 

The heavy cost of the elaborate worship of Melkart was met 
by tithes and offerings. We are told that the Carthaginians 
sent the tithe of their produce to Tyre annually from the founda- 
tion of their city, as their offering to Melkart.^ 

Were human sacrifices offered to Melkart? Moloch of the 
Ammonites was probably akin to Melkart as a god of the sun 
and of fire. Human sacrifices were offered to Moloch.^ They 
were offered Baal in Cyprus, Rhodes, Crete, Sardinia, and such 
offerings were very common at Carthage.^ It is said that they 
were frequently offered in times of great calamity in Phoenicia 
proper,^ but that the practice was extremely rare at Tyre is 
shown by the fact that no record of any human sacrifice has come 
down to us, and by the further fact that even at the time of 
Alexander's siege no such offering was made.^ To consider the 
practice a part of the religion of Tyre is quite as unwarranted as 
to make the same inference concerning the religion of Israel be- 
cause of the record of Abraham and Isaac,^ and that of Jephthah 
and his daughter.^ 

The chief female deity of the Semites was worshiped by the 

Phoenicians under the name Ashteroth. She was called the 

daughter of Uranus and queen of heaven.^ As a symbol of her 

sovereignty she had the head of a bull upon her head.'° An 

aerolite was consecrated to her in her temple in " the holy island 

Tyre."" She was identified with the moon and called ruler of 

1 II Maccabees, IV, 18-20. Vid. p. 68 above. 

2 Diodorus, XX, 14. 

» Lev., XX, 2-5; Jer., VII, 31. 

* Vid. Movers, I, 299-305. 

* Eusebius, Praep. Evan. IV, 16. Vid. Migne, Patrologae, Vol. XXI, p. 271. 
' Vid. p. 61 above. 

■• Gen., XXII. 

* Judges, XI. 

> Sanchoniathon. 

>" Ibid. 

" Ibid. Such sacred stones were called Baetulia in the writing of San- 


stars.^ To her the women offered cakes, burned incense and 
paid vows.^ She was identified with air and water as over 
against fire.^ When Usoos, the first who ventured on the 
sea, according to the Phoenician myth, landed at Tyre, he 
consecrated two pillars, one to fire and the other to wind;^ 
this probably means that they were consecrated, one to Baal 
and the other to Ashteroth. These two deities were closely 
related. In the inscription of Eshmunazer,^ Ashteroth is 
called 7^^ J2\^, "Name of Baal." As Tanith, she is called in a 
Carthaginian inscription 7^^ JD, " Face of Baal."* At Tyre, 
their close relationship was represented by the legend that he 
had purchased her favor by the gift of the first robe of Tyrian 
purple ever dyed.'^ 

It is probable that the sexual act had place in the Baal- 
Ashteroth worship at Tyre as elsewhere. It was an act of 
worship for a woman to have intercourse with a stranger at a 
temple of Ashteroth.^ The feast of Adonis at Byblus is described 
as follows: "But when they have bewailed and lamented, first 
they perform funeral rites for Adonis as if he were dead, but 
afterward upon another day they say he lives, . . . and they 
shave their heads as the Egyptians do when Apis dies. But 
such women as do not wish to be shaven pay the following 
penalty; on a certain day they stand for prostitution at the 
proper time and the market is open for strangers only, and the 
pay goes as a sacrifice to Aphrodite."^ 

Regarding the Baal and Ashteroth worship in Israel, Hosea 

choniathon. The name looks like 7S T)''2 Bethel, the name which Jacob gave 
to the place where he consecrated a pillar of stone (Gen., XXVIII). 

^ Herodian, 5, 15. 

2Jer., VII, 8; XLIV, 25. 

* Vid. Kenrick, Phoenicia, 303. 

^ Sanchoniathon. 

6CIS. 3 (Cooke N.S.I, 5). 

« CIS. 181 (Cooke N. S. I, 48). 

^ Pollux, Onomasticon, I, 45; Nonnus, Dionys., XL, 306. 

8 Herod., I, 199; Strabo, XVI, 1, 20. 

9 Lucian, De Dea Syria, 6: Vid. Barton, Journ. Bib. Lit., X, 72 S. There 
were barbers officiating at the temple of Ashteroth, CIS. 86 (Cooke, N. S. 1, 20) . 


protested: "They sacrifice upon the tops of the mountains, and 
burn incense upon the hills, and under the oaks and poplars and 
terebinths, because the shade thereof is good; therefore your 
daughters commit whoredom and your brides commit adultery."^ 

We gladly turn to the higher ideals of worship. W. Robertson 
Smith says: "There is a great variety of evidence to show that 
the type of religion which is founded on kinship, and in which 
the deity and his worshipers make up a society united by the 
bond of blood, was widely prevalent, and that at an early time, 
among all the Semitic peoples.^ The religion of Tyre was of 
this type. The first families of the aristocracy both of Tyre and 
of Carthage prided themselves that they were descendants of 
Melkart.^ Proper names beginning with Ger ("*U), sojourner, 
followed by the name of a deity, indicate that there were those 
who were not of the religion by birth, to whom the god became 
a patron and protector. 

The most common objects of prayer indicated by the inscrip- 
tions that have come down to us, are prosperity, long life, divine 
favor and numerous offspring.'* An oft repeated assurance is 
that the deity hears prayer.^ Disturbing a grave is an abomi- 
nation to Ashteroth.^ The two great future hopes are seed among 
the living and a resting place among the shades in the lower 
world .'^ 

That private or family devotion had its place in the ancient 
faith is shown by a little monument recently found in the region 
of Tyre.^ The monument is a small throne a foot and a half 
high cut in limestone. The throne is flanked by two sphinxes 
and on the back are two stelae, the one with an image repre- 
senting Ashteroth and the other the worshiper. The inscription 

1 Hosea IV, 13. Vid. also Deut., XXIII, 17-18; II Kings, XXIII, 7. 

2 W. R. Smith, Relig. of Sem., pp. 50-51. 

2 Virgil, Aen., I, 729; Silius Italicus, Punica, I, 87. 

* CIS. I, 88, 122; Cooke, N. S. I., 29 et al. 

B CIS. 11, 13, 88, 122, 181; Cooke, N. S. I., 55 et al. 

« Cooke, N. S. I., 4. 

' Cooke, N. S. I., 4; CIS. 3 (Cooke, N. S. I., 5). 

8 Vid. Acad^mie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres, Comptes Rendus, 1907, 
pp. 589-598, 606. It probably belongs to the second century B.C. according 
to M. Clairmont Ganneau. 


reads, " To my Mistress Ashteroth who is within the sanctuary 
which belongs to me, Abdoubast, son of Bodbaal." 

In a former chapter we traced the early history of Christianity 
in Tyre, then the coming of Islam. With the period of the 
Crusades Christianity again became dominant, and yielded only 
with the destruction of the city. We close this chapter with a 
list of those who have held the title of Bishop of Tyre. 


1. Cassius. Mentioned by Eusebius, H. E., V, 25. 

2. Marinus. Mentioned by Eusebius, H. E., VII, 5. 

3. Methodius. Jerome, Illustrious Men, 83. 

4. Tyranius. Martyr in time of Diocletian. Eusebius, H. E., 

VIII, 13. 

5. PauUnus. Built Cathedral. Eusebius, H. E., X, 4. 

6. Zeno. At Council of Nicea, Zozoman, H. E., VI, 12. 

7. Paul. Athanasius, Defence against the Arians, Book II. 

8. Vitalius. Athanasius, Defence against the Arians, Book II. 

9. Uranius. Socrates, H. E., II, 40. 

10. Zeno II. Zozoman, H. E., VI, 12. 

11. Reverentius. Socrates, H. E., VII, 36. 

12. Cyrus. Signed Acts of Council of Ephesus. 

13. Bironisyanus. Frequently mentioned by Cyril of Alexander. 

14. Irenaeus. Several letters to him in writings of Theodoret. 

15. Photius. Member of Council of Chalcedon. 

16. Dorotheus. Great Scholar. Theophanes, Chronographle, 


17. John Kodona. Theophanes, Chronc graphic, 5973. 

18. Epiphanius. Evagrius Scholasticus, H. E., Ill, 31. 

19. Eusebius. Member of Council of Constantinople in 553 

and signed its acts. 

20. Basilius. C. 844 A.D.; Michael the Syrian. Hist. (Ed. 

Chabot, III, 97-100.) 

1 References in the chapters above will be found to those on this list about 
whom other facts are known bearing upon the history of Tyre. All except 
24-32 are cited by Father Cyril Aaron, Al Mashriq, 1906-1907. References 
to 24-32 will be found in the chapter of the Period of the Crusades, above. 
For a translation of Father Aaron's list I am indebted to M r. P. K. Hitti. 


21. Thomas. Signed acts of Council held 879-880 after the 

death of the Patriarch Ignatius. 

22. Saba. C. 1100 A.D.; afterwards patriarch of Jerusalem. 

23. Photius. Author of a history of Ecumenical Councils 

according to Krumbacher. 

24. Odo. Died 1122. Foulcher de Chartres, 62. 

25. William. Will. Tyre, XIII, 23. 

26. Fulcherus. Will. Tyre, XIV, 2. 

27. Peter. Will. Tyre, XVI, 17. 

28. Frederick. Will. Tyre, XIX, 6. 

29. WilUam. 1175, Historian of Crusades. Will. Tyre, XVI, 17. 

30. Philip of Beauvais. 1192, Will. Tyre, XXIV, 14. 

31. Simon de Mangastel. 1225, Chron. Terre Sainte, I, 82-92; 

Will. Tyre, XXXI, 10. 

32. Bonacours. 1286, Chron. Temple, Tyre, 439. 

After the destruction of the city (1291 A.D.) the empty 
title continued : the following held it according to the list 
of Father Aaron.^ 

33. Sophronius. Mentioned by Nicophorus. 

34. Irsanius. 1361. Mentioned in a letter from Philotheus, 

Patriarch of Constantinople to Bachamius, Patriarch of 

35. Jeremiah. Present at Council of Damascus to judge the 

Bishop of Homs. 

36. Joasaph. 

37. Aftimios. 1683-1722. 

38. Ignatius. 1723-1758. 

39. Andreas Fakhuri. 

40. Perthanius Ni'mi. 1766-1806. 

41. Basillius Abdallah. 

42. Cyril. 

43. Basillius Zakkar. 

44. Ignatius Karub. 1835-18 ":4. 

45. Athenatius Sabbagh. 1855-1866. 

46. Athenatius Khawam. 1867-1886. 

47. Aftimos Zalhaf. 1886- 
> Al Mashriq, 1906-1907. 



The coins of Tyre fall into three groups : the ancient, that of 
the Saracens, and that of the Crusaders. Of these by far the 
most important is the ancient coinage. This first division, in 
1903 and 1904, was treated by J. Rouviere^ so fully as to super- 
sede all that had been previously written on the subject, and in 
1910 a still more satisfactory treatment was given by George F. 
Hill.^ We summarize the findings of Hill as follows: 

Going back to the beginning of Tyrian coinage about the 
middle of the fifth century B.C., he distinguishes the following 
main groups: 

' Pre-Alexandrine, c. 450-400 B.C.^ 

1. ^ Pre-Alexandrine, c. 400 B.C. 

Pre-Alexandrine, c. 400-392 B.C. 

2. Alexandrine. 

3. Ptolemaic. 

4. Seleucid. 

5. Autonomous. 

6. Quasi-autonomous. 

7. Imperial silver. 

8. Colonial coinage. 

1. In the first group the coins are struck on the Phoenician 
standard, and this persists down to the time of Alexander the 
Great. The maximum of the stater, or double shekel was 13.90 
grammes, or 214.5 grains. The denominations are the stater, 
the quarter, and the twenty-fourth. 

1 J. Rouviere, Journal International D'Archeologie Numismatique, Vol. 
VI, pp. 269-332, and VII, pp. 65-108. 

2 George F. Hill, A Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Phoenicia (London, 
1910), p. 126 ff. 

' Rouviere dates our earliest Tyrian coins c. 480 B.C. Vid. Journal Inter- 
national D'Archeologie Numismatique, Vol. VI, p. 269. 



The maritime importance of Tyre is expressed on the earHest 
coins by the dolphin and waves. Later the dolphin is given a 
subordinate position, and the main type is Melkart on a sea- 
horse. The murex shell is frequently found and alludes to the 
local purple industry. 

On the reverse, the owl often found may show Athenian 
influence, but it is rendered so like the hawk that some have 
claimed that it is to be traced to that of Egypt, which is also 
to be seen in the flail and scepter, these being associated in 
Egypt with kingship. 

The earliest of these coins have obscure dates or inscriptions. 

Those with dates seem to be followed by a series in which 
the thick lumpy fabric was discarded for a flatter make of coin. 
These are undated and uninscribed, and probably bring us 
down to the time of Alexander. 

At Tyre coins were from the earHest times usually struck from 
fixed dies; the exceptiorfs are found in the small denominations. 
The dies were not always placed ft) but sometimes upside 
down, sometimes at right angles to each other. 

Another notable characteristic of the coinage both of this 
period and of the next is its bad quality; a very large propor- 
tion of the coins have a bronze core. 

2. Alexandrine Period. — In the second group, coinage with 
regal types is continued, but the standard changes to Attic: 
the denominations are the didrachm and a minute coin of 0.55- 
0.45 grammes. 

The Attic didrachms are all dated. Some bear additional 
letters; others bear dates only. The additional letters are D 
and 1^, probablyr epresenting "H^D and 115^, but they may repre- 
sent royal names. In connection with the date the letters ^ and D 
sometimes occur; they seem to represent 7pl2 H^C^D. The 
eras for the dating of these are uncertain. 

3. Ptolemaic Period. — The coins of the third group, which are 
certainly Tyrian, bear the monogram f or t° usually combined 
with a club. Svoronos dates the beginning of this coinage at 

COINS 157 

285/4 B.C. A certain number are without the monogram, but 
bear the club. 

Tyre was a mint of Ptolemy III, 247/6-241 B.C., Ptolemy 
IV, and Ptolemy V. The Tyrian coinage of Ptolemy V must 
have ceased after 200 B.C., when the city finally passed into 
Seleucid hands. 

4. Seleucid. — From the year 200 to 126/5 B.C., Tyre was an 
important Seleucid mint. Under Antiochus III we have un- 
dated tetradrachms. Bronze types of this coinage show the 
palm tree, the stern of a galley, a complete galley, spur of a 
galley. The silver is of two classes: (a) Attic with types, — 
Apollo (Antiochus III) ; Athena standing (Antiochus VII) ; Zeus 
seated (Demetrius III), and (b) Phoenician with types, — eagle 
on prow. The Phoenician was issued in large quantities; the 
Attic rarely. The Phoenician bears monograms similar to those 
found at a later date on the autonomous coins, but the Attic is 
not marked in this way. The latest date on a Seleucid coin of 
Tyre is A.S. 187 (126/5 B.C.). 

The inscriptions on these Seleucid coins apart from the mono- 
grams are: 

TTPmN D^i!i p^ ^)ib 

Belonging to Tyre Mother of the Sidonians 

Belonging to Tyre 

TTPmN l^b 


The words IEPA2 ASTAOT are often abbreviated or rendered 
in monogram. 

5 and 6. Autonomous and Quasi- Autonomous. — In the auton- 
omous coinage of Tyre the most important feature is the 
very plentiful series of shekels, with a much smaller number of half 
shekels and very rare quarter shekels from the year 126/5 B.C. 
to 69-70 A.D. The shekel of the common norm weighs 14.54 


to 14,60 grammes. In the year 104 B.C. (23d year of the city) 
was issued a gold double shekel. 

The quasi-autonomous coinage extends probably only to 195/6 
A.D., and not to 225/6 as Rouviere states, on his reading of the 
date for his coin number 2203. 

The more important types are connected with Melkart who 
appears in a Hellenized form. The eagle is probably a legacy 
from the Ptolemaic coinage, the palm tree, (f)olvc^, is for " Phoe- 
nicia." Other types express the maritime activity of the city. 

7. Imperial Coinage. — The silver of imperial date, from Nero 
on, which has been ascribed to the mint of Tyre, presents peculiar 
diflBculty. Some of these coins clearly show Tyrian source, and 
others as clearly show Antiochian; while still others show both. 
It has been suggested that all were probably struck at Antioch, 
but out of bullion supplied by various cities. The weights as 
usual are very irregular; the highest for a tetradrachm is 15.14 
grammes, or 233.65 grains. 

8. Colonial Coinage. — The coinage from Septimius Severus to 
Gallienus is of interest on account of the variety of types. 
The title on the coins appears first as "Coloni. Sep. TVRVS 
METROP." A coin of Elagabalus bears the ancient inscrip- 
tion lU A The Phoenician deities are to be found as types. 
The ambrosial rocks (two pillars) appear, also an ovoid baetyl 
encircled by a serpent, for which the author has no explanation, 
but which would seem to refer to the theogony of Sanchoniathon 
referred to on page 7 et al. above. Heroic legends are illustrated 
by Dido building Carthage, and Aeneas (or perhaps Cadmus) 
setting sail. Another notable type is that of the reclining figure 
of Ocean wearing a head-dress of crab's claws. 

Hill has catalogued and described four hundred and ninety 
three of these early coins of Tyre and has given pictures of 
every important variety. 

In the time of the Fatimid Caliphs, Tyrian coins again appear. 
The city had one of the principal mints of these caliphs until 
the time of its capture by the Crusaders in 1124 A.D. 

COINS 159 

A special feature of the coins of this period is the large 
proportion of quarter-dinars, which appear to have been de- 
signed mainly for that part of the kingdom which had a con- 
siderable Christian population. Images were omitted, and in 
their place is found a profusion of religious formulae in which 
the praise of Ali has a large place.^ Very few silver coins have 
been preserved. 

An early sample of this coinage is a quarter-dinar^ bearing on 
its obverse margin the date 361 A.H. and the stamp of Tyre; 
on the reverse margin it bears in Arabic the inscription to 
"Mu'izz, by authority of Allah, Amir of the Faithful." Its 
weight is 13.1 grains. 

A dinar^ of the date 404 A.H. shows the very profuse inscrip- 
tions that were common. On the obverse area is inscribed 
"ALI (There is no God but Allah alone. He has no equal, 
Mohammed is the messenger of Allah) FAVORITE OF 
ALLAH." The margin reads, "Mohammed is the Messenger 
whom Allah sent." The reverse area is inscribed, "For the sake 
of Allah and his favorite, Al-Mansur Abu Ali al-Imam al-Hakim, 
by command of Allah, Amir of the Faithful." The margin 
reads, "In the name of Allah this dinar was struck in the year 
404 A.H." The coin weighs but 49 grains. 

The coins of the reign of Al-Zahir bear on their obverse 
almost identically the same inscription as those just spoken of, 
but in a slightly different arrangement. On the reverse, the 
margin states that the coin was struck "in the name of Allah" 
at the date named, and "for the sake of Allah and his Favorite 
Ali." The area bears the inscription of "The Glorious Al-Zahir, 
by authority of Allah, Amir of the Faithful." One coin of this 
series in the British Museum weighs 60.2 grains, and another 

1 The place of Ali in these inscriptions is readily understood when it is 
remembered that the Fatimids claimed to be descended from Fatimah, only 
wife of Ali and daughter of Mohammed. 

2 Stanley Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins in British Museum, 
Vol. IV, page 11, No. 35. 

3 Ibid. Additions to Vols. I-IV, page 320. 

* Stanley Lane-Poole, Oriental Coins in the British Museum, IV, page 28. 


A popular issue of Al-Mustansir had three margins, and a 
pellet in the center. On the obverse the first margin was as 
that of the coins last described. The other margin bears the 
usual ascriptions to Mohammed and to Ali except the third 
margin of the reverse. It bears the inscription of " Al-Mustansir, 
Billah, Amir of the Faithful." Dinars of this kind vary in 
weight from 45.1^ to 60 grains.^ Our earliest coins of this kind 
date 442 A.H. Another type, apparently of later date, but 
belonging to the same reign, has a margin and central area. The 
inscriptions are of the usual sentiment. The reverse area bears 
the inscription of "Mustansir Billah, Amir of the Faithful," 
while the margin has the date and imprint of Tyre.^ 

The coins of Al-Amir show little variation. They had an 
area and two margins. They bear the usual praises of Allah and 
of Mohammed and Ali. The inner reverse margin reads, " Abu 
Ali Al-Amir, in the wisdom of Allah, Amir of the Faithful," 
while the outer margin reads, " In the name of Allah the merciful 
and compassionate this dinar was struck at (place) in (date) 

These bring us to the time of the capture of Tyre by the 
Crusaders in 518 A.H. (1124 A.D.). 

When Tyre fell into the hands of the Crusaders, the Venetians 
assumed possession of the mint. It will be remembered that 
their interests were commercial rather than religious. It was 
therefore to their advantage to continue the coinage in a way 
attractive to the peoples of the Orient. They therefore issued 
coins on the standards established at Tyre, and bearing the usual 
Arabic inscriptions of praise to Allah and Mohammed. It 
was not until the time of the civil strife at Tyre under Philip of 
Montfort that the Venetians lost this privilege which they had 

1 Stanley Lane-Poole, Oriental Coins in the British Museum, IV, page 
41, No. 160. 

2 Ibid., page 41, No. 163; vid. also page 37, No. 145, and page 46, No. 187. 
^ Ibid., page 45. 

* Ibid., page 52, No. 212; and page 58, No. 216, dated 515 A. H. 

* Gustav Schlumberger, Numismatique de L'Orient Latin, page 128. 

COINS 161 

These coins issued by the Venetians were dated by the reign 
of the ruHng caHph, and the year A.H. Properly speaking 
they were pseudo-Arabic, and all the gold coins that were issued 
at Tyre were probably of this class.^ These were struck in 
large numbers^ until the year 1250 A.D., when the Papal delegate 
with King Louis interdicted the practice, being indignant at 
seeing the name of Mohammed on money issued by Christians.' 

The governors of the city evidently did not issue gold coins 
on their own authority. The chaotic conditions that prevailed 
in the years following the Crusade of King Louis were such as to 
make the coinage of gold almost impossible. A few copper coins, 
extremely rare, have come down to us from the princes of Tyre. 
Those issued by Philip of Montfort bear a cross surrounded by 
two wreaths, between which appeared the word P h e 1 i p e. On 
the reverse are the letters D e S U R between two wreaths sur- 
rounding a temple-like edifice.^ 

Another copper coin^ between two wreaths around a central 
Cross, has the inscription lOhS TRO, JohnofToron. On 
the reverse DE co U R appears between two wreaths surrounding 
a temple-like edifice. What the edifice was meant to represent 
is wholly unknown. 

These humble coins bring us to the date of the city's destruc- 
tion, 1291 A.D. 

1 Gustav Schlumberger, Numismatique de L'Orient Latin, page 132. 

2 See note 1, page 92 above. 

* Gustav Schlumberger, Numismatique de L'Orient Latin, page 133. 

* Ibid., page 128. 
5 Ibid., page 128. 



Abbar, Judge of Tyre, 46. 
Abd-Ashirta, 9. 

Abd-Astartus, King of Tyre, 24. 
Abdeus, Judge of Tyre, 46. 
Abi-Baal, King of Tyre, 16. 
Abi-Milki, Governor of Tyre, 9. 
Abi-Milkut, King of Sidon, 36. 
Abu-Sufy^n before Tyre, 81. 
Acre (Acco), Siege of, 108-109. 
Adan de Cafran, Governor of Tyre, 

Ahab, King of Israel, 25. 
Al-Afdal, Commander of Egypt, 85, 

88, 92. 
Alexander the Great, 54£f.; Attacks 

Tyre, 55; Constructs Mole, 56; 

Secures Fleet, 58; Captures City, 

63; Crucifies 2,000 Tyrians, 64; 

Celebrates Victory, 64. 
Alexandria, Trade diverted ot, 67. 
Alphabet, Origin of, IX. 
Amaury, King of Jerusalem, 101. 
Amaury, Governor of Tyre, 121. 
Amenophis IV, King of Egypt, 9. 
Antachdes, Peace of, 52. 
Antigonus besieges Tyre, 65. 
Antiochus the Great takes Tyre, 66. 
Antiochus Epiphanes, 67. 
Antoninus Martyr, 79. 
Apollo, Statue of, 61. 
Arculf, Bishop, 84. 
Aserymus, King of Tyre, 24. 
Ashteroth (Astarte), vid. Religion. 
Assassins, Sect of. 111, 120. 
Asshurnazirpal, King of Assyria, 27; 

Received Tribute of Tyre, 28. 
Asshurbanipal, King of Assyria, 38. 
Assyrian Encroachment, 27ff. 
Astarte (Ashteroth), vid. Religion. 
Astartus, King of Tyre, 24. 
Athanasius tried at Tyre, 77. 
Ayyub, Sultan of Egypt, 117. 
Azemilcus, King of Tyre, 55. 
Aziru, son of Abd-Ashirta, 9. 

Baal and Ashteroth, 25-26; Vid. 

Baal, King of Tyre, 37; Resists 
Esarhaddon, 37; Submits to As- 
shurbanipal, 38. 

Baal Lebanon Inscription, 33. 

Baalat-Remeg, King of Tyre, 13, 16 
Badezorus, King of Tyre, 24. 
Baibars, Sultan of Egypt, 119, 120 
Baldwin I, King of Jerusalem, 88 

Attacks Tyre, 90. 
Baldwin III, King of Jerusalem, 100 
Baldwin de Bourg, King of Jerusalem 

Barbarossa, Emperor Frederick 

Death of, 108. 
Baslach, Judge of Tyre, 46. 
Belator, Judge of Tyre, 47. 
Beleasarus, King of Tyre, 22, 24. 
Behan of Sidon, 117. 
Benjamin of Tudela, 101. 
Bonacours, Archbishop' of Tyre, 121. 
Bordeaux Pilgrim, 78. 

Cabul explained, 20. 

Cambyses, King of the Persians, 49. 

Carthage founded, 24ff., 135ff.; Mean- 
ing of the Name, 32, 136. 

Cassius, Bishop of Tyre, 73. 

Cassius, rules Syria, 70. 

Chelbes, Judge of Tyre, 46. 

Christianity introduced, 71. 

Coins of Tyre, 155-161. 

Colonies of Tyre, 5, 6, 24, 133-137. 

Commerce of Tyre, 20, 40, 137-142. 

Conrad of Montferrat, before Acre, 
103; At Tyre, 104; Resists Saladin, 
104ff. ; Refused to admit King Guy, 
107; Supports Siege of Acre, 108; 
Aspires to Throne of Jerusalem, 
109; Chosen King, 111; Assassi- 
nated, HI7II2. 

Constantine issues Edict of Milan, 76. 

Crete, Early Minoan Power of, 14, 137. 

Crusades, 86flf . 

Crusaders pass Tyre, 87; Capture 
Jerusalem, 88; Capture Treasure 
Train, 89; Attack Tyre, 90; Second 
Attack, Conquest, 94ff.; Warring 
Factions of, 108-110, 116, 118, 119. 

Cyrus, King of the Persians, 48. 

Damietta attacked by Crusaders, 116. 
Darius, King of the Persians, 50. 
David, King of Israel, 17; Friend of 

Hiram, King of Tyre, 17; Tyrians 

build his Palace, 17. 




Decius, Persecutions under, 74. 
Demetrius holds Tyre, 66. 
Diocletian, Persecutions under, 75. 
Dorotheus, Superintendent of Dye 
Works, 75. 

Earthquakes, 92, 101, 115, 128. 
Ecnibaal, Judge of Tyre, 46. 
Elijah, 25; On Mt. Carmel, 26. 
Eluleus, King of Tyre, 34; Reduces 

Revolt in Cyprus, 34; Resists 

Shalmanezer IV, 34; Defeated by 

Sennacherib, 35. 
Esarhaddon, King of Assyria, 36; 

Suppresses Revolt in West, 36; 

Besieges Tyre, 37. 
Ethbaal (Ithobalus), King of Tyre, 

Ethbaal II, King of Tyre, 44. 
Ethbaal III, King of Tyre, 46. 
Evagorus of Cyprus, 52. 
Ezekiel, 40, 44, 46, 138ff. 

Frederick, Archbishop of Tyre, 99. 
Frederick of Germany, King of 

Jerusalem, 116. 
Fulcher, Archbishop of Tyre, 99. 
Fulk of Anjou, 100. 

Gerastart, Judge of Tyre, 46. 

Glass of Tyre, 94, 100, 143-144. 

Guy of Lusignan, King of Jerusalem, 
107; Besieges Acre, 108. 

Halil, Sultan of Egypt, 122; Over- 
throws Kingdom of Jerusalem, 122; 
Annihilates Tyre, 122. 

Hannibal flees to Tjrre, 67. 

Henry of Campagne, King of Jerusa- 
lem, 113. 

Heracles identified with Melkart, 55. 

Herod Agrippa, 71. 

Hezekiah, King of Judah, 35. 

Hiram, King of Tyre, 4, 16; Enlarges 
City, 16; Friend of David, 17; 
Friend of Solomon, 17; Commercial 
Enterprises, 20; His Wit, 20, 21; 
Tomb of, 22. 

Hiram II, King of Tyre, 33. 

Hiram III, King of Tyre, 47. 

Hugh, King of Jerusalem, 120. 

Hugh of Tiberias, 106. 

Ibn Jubair's Description, 102. 
Ibn Merwdn rebuilds Tyre, 83. 
Ibrahim Pasha, Governor of Syria, 

128, 129. 
Industries of Tyre, Metallurgy, 142; 

Textile Fabrics, 142; Manufacture 

of Glass, 143; Making of Sugar, 
144; Purple Dyes, 144; Summary 
of, IX. 

Isaiah, 29. 

Islam, Rapid Conquests, 80; Condi- 
tions imposed, 82. 

Isma'il, Sultan of Damascus, 117. 

Ithobalus (Ethbaal), King of Tyre, 

Izz al-Mulk, Governor of Tyre, 88, 
90, 92. 

Jehoiakim, King of Judah, 43. 

Jeremiah, 43. 

Jerome, 78. 

Jerusalem, besieged by Nebuchad- 
rezzar, 44; Taken by Crusaders, 88. 

Jews, Slaughter of at Tyre, 79-80. 

Jezebel, Daughter of King Ithobal 
of Tyre, 25; Introduces Tyrian 
Religion into Israel, 25. 

John de Brienne, King of Jerusalem, 

John of Ibelin, 116, 117. 

John of Montfort, Governor of Tyre, 

Judas Maccabeus, 69. 

Kalaun, Sultan of Egypt, 121. 
Kharesmians, 117. 

Lade, Battle of, 51. 

Literary Era at Tyre, 72. 

Louis IX, King of France, 118. 

Lysius attempts to destroy Jewish 
State, 68. 

Manuel, Emperor of Constantinople, 

Marinus of Tyre, 72. 

Marion, King of Tyre, 70. 

Mas^M, 92. 

Matgen, King of Tyre, 24. 

Matgen, Judge of Tyre, 46. 

Maundrell's Description, 124-126. 

Maximinus, Edict against Christian- 
ity, 75. 

Melkart, identified with Heracles, 55; 
Temple at Tyre, 55; Temple at 
Palaetyrus, 55; Vid. Religion. 

Menehem, King of Samaria, 33. 

Menelaus, Jewish High Priest, 68. 

Methodius, Bishop of Tyre, 75. 

Merbaal, King of Tyre, 47. 

Miltiades, 51. 

Mongols invade Syria, 119. 

Mtl'awiyah, 83. 

Mutawalis (Metawileh), 126. 

Murex, 144. 



Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, 42. 

Nebuchadrezzar, King of Babylon, 
42; Defeats Necho at Carchemish, 
42; Accepts Submission of Tyre, 43; 
Besieges Tyre 13 yrs., 44. 

Necho II, King of Egypt, 42; De- 
feated by Nebuchadrezzar, 42. 

Obeidah captures Aleppo, 80. 
Ochus, King of the Persians, 53. 
Odo, Archbishop of Tyre, 99. 
Origin of Phoenicians, Iff. 
Origen persecuted at Tyre, 74; En- 
tombed in Temple of Tyre, 74. 

Paul, St., at Tyre, 71. 

Paulus of Tyre, 73. 

Paulinus, Bishop of Tyre, 76; Builds 
Temple at Tyre, 76. 

Peter, Archbishop of Tyre, 99. 

Peter the Hermit, 87. 

Pharaoh-Hophra (Apries), King of 
Egypt, 43; Supports Revolt against 
Babylon, 43; His Wars, 44. 

Pheles, King of Tyre, 24. 

Phihp, King of France, 109. 

Philip de Montfort, Lord of Tyre, 
118; Escapes assassination, 120- 

Philip of Toron, 117. 

Phoenicians, Origin of. Iff.; Lan- 
guage, 1. 

Pillars, Symbolism of, 7. 

Pompey reduces Syria, 70. 

Porphyry, 74. 

Ptolemy gains Tyre, 63. 

Purple, Pliny's Account of Manufac- 
ture, 144. Vid. Industries. 

Pygmalion, King of Tyre, 24. 

Ramses II, King of Egypt, 13. 

Ramses XII, King of Egypt, 14. 

Raoul de Soissons, 117. 

Ras al-Ain, 125, 131. 

Religion: Melkart, 146, 147; Sacri- 
fices, 146-147; Temple of Melkart, 
147; Temple at Palaetyrus, 148; 
Twin Pillars, 148; Festivals of 
Melkart, 149; Human Sacrifices 
not made, 150; Ashteroth, 150- 
151; Kinship with Deities, 152; 
Objects of Prayer, 150; Private 
Worship, 152; Bishops of Tyre, 

Rib- Adda, King of Gebal (Byblus), 
9, 12. 

Richard, King of England, 109. 

Richard Philanger, Lord of Tyre, 116. 

Roy, Servant of Baal, 13. 

Saladin, Successes, 103; Besieges 
Tyre, 104-106; Death of, 113. 

Salamis, Battle of, 51. 

Sanchoniathon's Myth, 7. 

Sargon, King of Assyria, 35. 

Satraps, War of, 53. 

Sazu (afterwards Palaetyrus), 11. 

Sennacherib, King of Assyria, 36. 

Seti I, King of Egypt, 13. 

Shalmanezer IV, King of Assyria, 34. 

Shalmayati, King of Tyre, 12, 16. 

ShorabiJ subjects Tyre to Islam, 80. 

Sidon, Meaning of Name, 2; De- 
stroyed by Ochus, 53; Rebuilt, 53; 
Welcomed Alexander, 54. 

Slave Trade, 40, 68, 113. 

Solomon, Friendship for Hiram, 17; 
Builds Temple at Jerusalem, 17ff.; 
Sea Ventures, 20; Wit of, 21, 22. 

Starto, King of Tyre, 49. 

Sychaeus (Acerbas), 30. 

Synod of Tyre, 77. 

Syria from Sur (Tyre), IX. 

Tarshish, 20; Ships of explained, 20, 

Tel al-Ma'shuk, 131. 

Tel el-Amarna Letters, 8ff. 

Temple at Jerusalem erected, 17-19; 
Destroyed, 19. 

Temple of Crusaders at Tyre, 130. 

Temple of Melkart, 4, 8, 16; Vid. 

Temple of Paulinus at Tyre, 76. 

Tennes, King of Sidon, 53. 

Theodorich's Description of Tyre, 

Thotmes III, King of Egypt, 9. 

Tiglathpilezer III, King of Assyria, 

Tigranes, King of Armenia, 69. 

Tirhakah, King of Egypt, 38. 

Toron, Castle of, 114-115. 

Tuba'lu (Ethbaal), King of Sidon, 36. 

Tugtakin, Sultan of Damascus, 89, 
96, 97. 

Tyrannion, Bishop of Tyre, 76. 

Tyre, Meaning of Name, 4; Founding 
of, 6ff.; Myth of Floating Island, 7; 
Older than Palaetyrus, 3-4; Topog- 
raphy, 3, 16, 85, 86; Besieged 
under Abi-Milki, 9; Rise to Leader- 
ship, 14; In the Age of Hiram, 16ff.; 
Yields to Asshurnazirpal, 28; Trib- 
ute to Shalmanezer II, 29; Revolts 
against Tiglathpilezer II, 32; Con- 
quered, 33; Besieged by Shal- 
manezer IV, 34; Revolts against 
Sennacherib, 35; Besieged by Esar- 



haddon, 37; Independent, 40; Sub- 
mitted to Nebuchadrezzar, 42; 
Joined Revolt, 43; Besieged 13 yrs. 
by Nebuchadrezzar, 45; Submitted, 
45; Era of Depression, 46; Ruled 
by Judges, 46; Monarchy reestab- 
lished, 47; Under Persians, 48; 
Supported Persians against Greeks, 
50; Yielded to Evagorus of Cyprus, 
52; Restored to Persians, 52; Re- 
sisted Alexander, 55ff . ; Alexander's 
Siege, 55flf . ; Besieged by Antigonus, 
65; Destroyed by Niger, 73; Re- 
stored by Severus, 73; Yields to 
Moslems, 80; Reduced by Egypt, 
85; Besieged by Crusaders, 90; 
Second Crusaders' Siege, 95; Be- 
sieged by Saladin, 105-106; De- 
stroyed by HaUl, 122; Modern 
Tyre, 126-132. 

Vial, General, at Tyre, 127. 

Volney's Account, 127. 

Water Supply of Tyre, 5; Vid. Ras 

Wenamon, Early Egyptian Traveler, 

William of Jerusalem, Archbishop of 

Tyre, 98. 
William of Tyre, Archbishop of Tyre, 

Willibald, Travels of, 84. 

Xerxes employs Tyrians against 
Greece, 51. 

Yukenah captures Tyre for Islam, 80. 

Zedekiah, King of Judah, 43. 
Zeno, Bishop of Tyre, 77. 
Zephaniah, 39. 
Zimridi, King of Sidon, 9. 


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